Wednesday, July 29, 2009

轉載: Foreign minister under fire for letter to U.S. National Endowment(去函美民主基金會, 外交部長受批評) (revised)

The TFD has been able to fulfill its promise over the last six years because of two attributes that have also contributed to the NED’s success,” Gershman said.

“The first is its independence and arms-length relationship to the government that have enabled it to carry out its mission free of political interference or control; and the second is a commitment to bipartisanship in its governance, so that no matter which party is in government, the operations and basic direction of the Foundation will remain constant,” he said.



六月的時候曾經轉載一篇美民主黨議員致函要求歐巴馬政府協助台灣民主基金會(TFD)獨立運作的新聞.因為馬政府試圖以撤換人事的方式干預基金會的運作. 當時還有篇新聞是National Endowment for Democracy (NED) 的President(主席)Carl Gershman 致馬先生的一封信(見下面US group pressures Ma on TFD shuffle連結). 信中同樣提到撤換人事引人擔憂(“It has come to my attention through reports in the press that broad changes are being proposed for the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. I am concerned that such an overhaul could well compromise both the Foundation’s independence and the quality of its work.”). Gershman並提到除了一些國會議員外,其他組織如自由之家等也有同樣的憂慮(While the NED may be the only organization to quickly react this strongly, a number of Washington-based groups — including Freedom House and the Formosan Association for Public Affairs — are known to be deeply concerned about reports of Ma’s alleged plans to interfere with and restrict the TFD.)Gershman並在信中提到基金會得以成功運作有兩點原因:其一是與政府抱持距離以免政治干預或操控(its independence and arms-length relationship to the government that have enabled it to carry out its mission free of political interference or control),其二是確保不論哪個政黨執政,基金會都必須信守推行民主運動的承諾(the second is a commitment to bipartisanship in its governance, so that no matter which party is in government, the operations and basic direction of the Foundation will remain constant).

不管是來自美國民主基金會(NED)也好,來自美議員的擔憂也罷,這些擔憂台灣民主倒退的忠告或公開信並不足以給馬政府足夠的壓力.類似於馬政府透過新聞局回函駁斥來自美國等多名學者的第三封第四封公開信,外交部長歐鴻鍊以TFD副主席的身分直接跳過王金平主席回覆了一封措詞嚴厲的信件.信中提到NED不該干涉台灣內政. (謎之音:對美日措辭強硬,怎麼對中國就硬不起來了啊?)

外交部長措詞嚴厲且越過王金平的信在近日受到一些批評.這是相關的漢語報導(去函美方 歐鴻鍊跳過王金平).

轉載該新聞原文如下:

Foreign minister under fire for letter to U.S. National Endowment (2009-07-29 )

Foreign Minister Francisco Ou was wrong to write a letter to the president of the United States National Endowment for Democracy Foundation about the state of Taiwan's democracy, lawmakers said yesterday.
Ou was responding to a letter from the U.S. institution's president, Carl Gershman, who had expressed concern about recent leadership changes at Taiwan's Democracy Foundation.

Since Ou was only a vice chairman of that organization, he should not have bypassed its chairman, Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng, lawmakers said.

Government critics in Taiwan and human rights circles in the U.S. have expressed concern that the government of President Ma Ying-jeou is trying to remove supporters of the former Democratic Progressive Party administration from the foundation.

Gershman wrote a letter discussing his concerns about possible backtracking of democracy and human rights in Taiwan, but Ou wrote a reply asking him to respect Taiwan's autonomy in the matter.

Instead of writing in his capacity of vice chairman of the Democracy Foundation, Ou should have first consulted Wang, lawmakers said.

DPP chief legislative whip Chai Trong-rong said Ou's long track record as a diplomat posted to Latin American countries made him unaware of how important the National Endowment for Democracy was.

The foreign minister bypassing the legislative speaker would give the U.S. the impression that Taiwan's executive branch could do what it wanted without consulting the Legislature, standing outside normal democratic supervision, said DPP legislator Yeh Yi-jin.

Kuomintang lawmaker Lin Yu-fang said there was no rule barring Ou from writing letters overseas, but said it would have been more polite if the Foreign Minister had first consulted Wang.

KMT legislator Lee Hung-chun, a foundation board member, said that if Ou wanted to write in name of the group, he should have asked all of its board members.


以下是此事件的一些相關的報導.

Ministry defends Ou's letter to US foundation(2009-07-29)

Reshuffle at TDF done democratically, Ou says (2009-07-03)

Editor's note: In CEP 0018, headlined Foreign Ministry defends reshuffle of Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, please delete the last paragraph which incorrectly stated that Gershman's letter was delivered to the MOFA June 29. (2009-07-02)
按:該信件是給馬先生不是給外交部.這是中央社發出的更正啟示

US group pressures Ma on TFD shuffle (2009-06-21)COMPROMISED: In a letter to Ma Ying-jeou, the National Endowment for Democracy said it had concerns over the independence of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy By William Lowther

按:此文前三段就提到馬先生上任後對資助民主運動的TFD動刀引起廣泛報導

Carl Gershman, president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy (NED), has written to President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), calling on him not to interfere with the structure and policies of the highly respected Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD).

It has been widely reported that the Ma administration intends to make major changes to the foundation’s governing board and to stop it from offering financial support to pro-democracy movements in China, Tibet and Cuba.

.........(後略)

Democrat to seek help for TFD (2009-06-22)
GOING TO THE TOP: A White House official said the US president would give every consideration to a letter appealing for support for the pro-democracy organization
By William Lowther
STAFF REPORTER , WASHINGTON

Monday, July 27, 2009

這幾天的實驗廚房出品(updated on 7/28)



第一是茴香糕餅舖趴兔, 有茴香籽蔥油餅,茴香葉兩色饅頭與三種口味的茴香思康餅(scone)等. 看來茴香小廚也可以推出下午茶系列了!




第二是壽司.前後加起來有九種.當然茴香葉或是茴香籽當然又派上用場,不過壽司的主題更明顯,所以篇名就不以茴香為名了. 詳見"壽司".

7/28新增兩色夾餡麵包



不知道各位覺得哪種最好吃呢?

Sunday, July 19, 2009

In memory of Frank McCourt, the author of Angela's Ashes 悼! 法蘭克富克特 安琪拉的灰燼之作者

When I look back on my childhood I wonder how I managed to survive at all. It was, of course, a miserable childhood: the happy childhood is hardly worth your while. Worse than the ordinary miserable childhood is the miserable Irish childhood, and worse yet is the miserable Irish Catholic childhood.


剛剛檢收email的時候看到紐約時報的新聞快訊指出 Frank McCourt,也就是Angela's Ashes的作者過世的消息--
Breaking News Alert
The New York Times
Sunday, July 19, 2009 -- 6:42 PM ET

Frank McCourt, Author of 'Angela's Ashes,' Dies at 78

Frank McCourt, a former New York City schoolteacher who
turned his miserable childhood in Limerick, Ireland, into a
phenomenally popular, Pulitzer Prize-winning memoir,
"Angela's Ashes," died on Sunday, his publisher said.


的確,就像新聞所寫安琪拉的灰燼這本書描寫的是他悲慘的童年故事, 安琪拉是作者母親的名字. 不過雖然童年悲慘作者卻以幽默的方式來呈現, 毫無自憐自嘆的口吻,下面的簡短書摘裡有一個例子.

這本書其實是我真正閱讀的第一本英文小說(高中時候被指定閱讀的不算的話). 找出之前寫的,不算書評而必較像是紀錄的短文如下, 算是紀念這位作者.

本書也被拍成電影.因為對此書喜愛有佳,電影不但看了還買了原聲帶. 電影是少數由小說改拍後讓我暨喜愛書又可接受電影的少數特例之一(像是Abeautiful mind就是被我評為大爛片),誠心推薦給各位. 以下舊文重貼.
-----------

Angela's Ashes: A Memoir
by Frank McCourt
Publisher: Scribner; (May 25, 1999) ISBN: 068484267X

Angela's Ashes: A Memoir 電影「天使的小孩」的原著
from the book--

"When I look back on my childhood I wonder how I managed to survive at all. It was, of course, a miserable childhood: the happy childhood is hardly worth your while. Worse than the ordinary miserable childhood is the miserable Irish childhood, and worse yet is the miserable Irish Catholic childhood."

這是第一章第二段. 與其說要把他翻成中文,不如說是找到註解--所謂天之降大任於斯人也, 必先苦其心智, 勞其筋骨,空乏其身,行拂亂其所為.

就像男生當兵後喜歡談論兼誇耀當兵的時候有多操,愈被操的欲贏得尊敬,有些人也喜歡誇大悲慘的童年. 書中提到: “People everywhere brag and whimper about the woes of their early years, but nothing can compare with the Irish version: the poverty; the shiftless loquacious alcoholic father; the pious defeated mother moaning by the fire; pompous priests; bullying schoolmasters; the English and all the terrible things they did to us for 800 long years.”

是的,這是本類似自傳的小說. 悲慘卻不自艾自憐的小說.

This is the first English novel I read and I found it hard to put down the book till finish it. Frank certainly had a miserable childhood-- he endured poverty, near-starvation and the casual cruelty of relatives and neighbors -- yet lives to tell his tale with eloquence, exuberance and remarkable forgiveness. Bitter memoir it is, this book imbued on every page with Frank McCourt's astounding humor and compassion, this book is definitely a glorious book that bears all the marks of a classic.

(The author has another book "Tis" ,both books are about his childhood)

這本書的中譯本有三位譯者(余國芳 陳重亨 莊靜君), 在這種情況下我選擇了英文版,我很高興我選擇了英文本, 雖然沒有完整讀過中文本,但是我翻了幾頁發現有些修飾語在翻譯之後(也許是語言結構不同)完全失去了味道. 例如:

小孩子幼小的心靈不明白為何政府要懸賞(a head with price)父親這顆頭早已齒危髮禿的頭.... 無邪的小孩認為甜的東西和美的東西才是要用錢買的, 因此童年時他實在無法了解" who will pay for such a head", 讀到此我不禁莞爾一笑,然而我在中文本中卻找不到這種文字的妙用

我也看過由此書改拍的電影,甚至買了原聲帶, 故事感人, 而且我認為電影與書本相異處不大, 個人認為是部好電影

這本書在' 奇葩與怪傑' 一書中(Geeks,年齡21~34歲之間,怪傑Geezers,年齡70~82歲之間)被列為是最常被閱讀的書之一, 在此我真心推薦給各位

另外這本書的寫作方法深受Intel總裁Andy Grove所喜愛,在他的自傳中"橫渡生命湖"(Swimming Across: a Memoir)也是援用類似的寫作方式

茴香糕餅舖與茴香海鮮批薩



這是今天的實驗廚房出品, 也是清理冰箱大作戰的結果趴兔. 詳情見此

Saturday, July 18, 2009

七月中旬(2009)的菜園

圖:茴香林?
過兩天要出門了,照一下菜園近況以便回來時候比較. 這裡有完整的說明.

茴香籽咖哩餡餅, 印度咖哩+印度餅與fusion蘋果派



上圖左是晚上要帶去印度學長家的, 其他是自己一邊忍不住只好做點別的先吃,免得還沒到晚上就被我自己偷吃光了:P



詳情見此. 當然這咖哩裡有茴香籽,所以才也被收在茴香小廚的分類裡啦!

轉載: Freedom in the World- Taiwan (2009) (自由之家2009年度報告)

Taiwan...., and it is still formally known as the Republic of China (ROC). Although the island is independent in all but name, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) considers it a renegade province and has threatened to take military action if de jure independence is declared.


相對於自由之家一月公佈的是世界的, 五月是媒體自由的部份,當時自由之家對台灣下的注解是脆弱的自由--Fragile Freedom), 自由之家在7/16公佈各國的報告.

報告裡有一些有趣的用字, 例如一開始就提到儘管中國宣稱台灣是她叛逃的一省,台灣除了"中華民國"這個名字外,根本就是個與中國完全獨立(independent)的國家, 而且中國強調如果台灣宣佈法理上(de jure)的獨立將不排除動武. 這種說法等於是說:台灣在現實上(de facto)是獨立的. 的確如此, 何必像馬先生那種"互相不否認"又是什麼兩個"地區"等各種扭捏說法呢? 都不承認自己是國家,委身是地區,受到邦交國家的羞辱也是剛好而已吧?


報告中還指出2008年來民進黨敗選跟陳水扁的案子有關, 但是許多民進黨前朝官員等被起訴也引發選擇性辦案的疑慮(a spurt of investigations and pretrial detentions of DPP politicians late in the year raised concerns about selective prosecution.). 另外陳雲林來台期間引起的警民衝突等也引發國內與國際上的關注. 再者, 儘管兩岸關係隨著馬政府似有改善,民眾對主權之喪失也隨之而已, 更甚者兩岸關係並未使中國放棄以飛彈對準台灣, 目前約有1300顆飛彈的情況並未改善 (While relations between the Taiwan and PRC governments improved after the elections, Beijing maintained an aggressive legal and military stance on the prospect of eventual Taiwanese independence; an estimated 1,300 missiles remained aimed at Taiwan at year’s end). 政治兩極化的現象也連帶影響到媒體自由(Nevertheless, political polarization poses a challenge to press freedom, ......), 特別是陳雲林來台期間引發的衝突可見一斑,中時集團易手引發的媒體自由的隱憂等問題都有所觸及(Physical violence against journalists is rare, but several reporters were injured while covering protests during Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s visit in November. Police reportedly detained a documentary filmmaker for about an hour after she attempted to film protests outside Chen’s hotel; she apparently sustained minor injuries. Also in November, the China Times Group, one of Taiwan’s biggest media syndicates, was bought by a businessman with major interests in the PRC, raising the prospect of self-censorship by the media group in the future.There are generally no restrictions on internet access.). 關於中時集團易手vs媒體自由詳見IFJ發布的新聞稿.

最後, 集遊法的修正案與阿扁案似乎不尋常的更換法官顯示有政治力介入(Legal experts also noted that Chen’s case was transferred among different judges in late December in a manner that seemed to circumvent the usual random assignments and gave the appearance of political influence.)也分別在報導中. 報導還提到直自2008年底,有三分之一的公司要求員工無薪假.


以下.

-----------

Freedom in the World - Taiwan (2009)

Capital: Taipei

Population: 23,000,000

Political Rights Score: 2
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free

Overview

The opposition Kuomintang took power after winning legislative and presidential elections in January and March 2008, respectively. The outgoing president, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party, was subsequently indicted on corruption charges, as were other members of his administration. Relations with China improved under the new government, which established direct transport links with the mainland. However, a Chinese envoy’s November visit was accompanied by some restrictions on free expression and assembly, culminating in violent clashes between police and protesters.


-------------------------------------------------------------

Taiwan became home to the Chinese nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) government-in-exile in 1949, and it is still formally known as the Republic of China (ROC). Although the island is independent in all but name, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) considers it a renegade province and has threatened to take military action if de jure independence is declared.

Taiwan’s transition to democracy began in 1987, when the KMT ended 38 years of martial law. In 1988, Lee Teng-hui became the first native Taiwanese president, breaking the mainland emigres’ stranglehold on politics. The media were liberalized and opposition political parties legalized in 1989. Lee oversaw Taiwan’s first multiparty legislative elections in 1991–92 and the first direct presidential election in 1996.

Chen Shui-bian’s victory in the 2000 presidential race, as a candidate of the proindependence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), ended 55 years of KMT rule, though the KMT maintained a majority in parliament. Chen won reelection in March 2004 by a margin of only 0.2 percentage points. With the KMT retaining its majority in the Legislative Yuan (LY) in parliamentary elections later that year, the political gridlock between the DPP-led executive and the KMT-dominated legislature continued.

Also in 2004, the LY passed a resolution on constitutional amendments. The reforms wrote a national referendum mechanism into the constitution, cut the size of the 225-seat legislature by half, extended legislative terms to four years, and exchanged Taiwan’s single-vote, multimember-district electoral system for a mixed system of single-member districts and proportional representation (a two-vote system).

The first legislative elections under the new system were held in January 2008. The KMT secured an overwhelming majority with 81 of 113 seats, while the DPP took 27 and the remainder went to independents and smaller parties. The constitutional changes had worked against the interests of smaller parties, contributing to political polarization. Taipei mayor Ma Ying-jeou of the KMT won the March presidential election, defeating the DPP’s Frank Hsieh, 58 percent to 42 percent. Both elections were deemed generally free and fair by international observers and marked the island’s second peaceful, democratic transfer of power. In concurrent referendums, low voter turnout scuttled proposals to seek membership in the United Nations, either as “Taiwan” or “Republic of China.”

In addition to concerns over the economy, frustration at the political gridlock, and desire for status quo in cross-strait relations, the DPP’s poor electoral performance was attributed in part to a spate of corruption scandals involving Chen and other top officials. After the outgoing president’s immunity expired in May, prosecutors launched an investigation into his involvement in existing money laundering and corruption cases. He was ultimately indicted in December. Although KMT politicians were also targeted in 2008, a spurt of investigations and pretrial detentions of DPP politicians late in the year raised concerns about selective prosecution.

Meanwhile, in a shift from Chen’s proindependence policies, the new Ma administration took steps to establish closer relations with the PRC government. These included the signing of agreements that enabled direct cross-strait transport links and increased Chinese tourism in Taiwan. Though many Taiwanese supported improved economic ties with China, some argued that the administration was conceding elements of Taiwan’s sovereignty and acting with minimal transparency. Tensions came to a head when PRC envoy Chen Yunlin visited in November to sign four agreements on transport links and food safety. The visit was accompanied by a significant police presence, reports of restrictions on free expression, and large-scale protests, during which both police and protesters engaged in violence, resulting in the injury of dozens of people. At year’s end, observers were watching how Taiwan’s democratic institutions would respond to the violent episode that sparked considerable concern at home and abroad.

While relations between the Taiwan and PRC governments improved after the elections, Beijing maintained an aggressive legal and military stance on the prospect of eventual Taiwanese independence; an estimated 1,300 missiles remained aimed at Taiwan at year’s end. Beijing also continued to limit Taiwan’s international contacts in early 2008. In January, Malawi ended its diplomatic relations with Taiwan, reportedly due to financial incentives from China, while Taiwanese journalists were denied UN accreditation to cover the annual World Health Assembly in May, apparently under PRC pressure.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties
Taiwan is an electoral democracy. The 1946 constitution, adopted while the KMT was in power on the mainland, created a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system and unique structure with five branches of government (yuan). The president, who is directly elected for up to two four-year terms, wields executive power, appoints the prime minister, and can dissolve the legislature. The Executive Yuan, or cabinet, consists of ministers appointed by the president on the recommendation of the prime minister. The prime minister is responsible to the national legislature (Legislative Yuan), which, under constitutional amendments that took effect in 2008, consists of 113 members serving four-year terms; 73 members are elected in single-member districts, and 34 are chosen through nationwide proportional representation. The six remaining members are chosen by indigenous people. The three other branches of government are the judiciary (Judicial Yuan), a watchdog body (Control Yuan), and a branch responsible for civil service examinations (Examination Yuan). Constitutional amendments require the approval of two-thirds of the legislature, followed by a national referendum.

The two main political parties are the proindependence DPP and the nationalist KMT. In August 2008, the Taiwanese Communist Party was allowed to register for the first time, following removal of a ban on associations advocating “communism” or “division of national territory.”

The Asian Network for Free Elections, an independent observer organization, hailed the March 2008 presidential election as an improvement over the 2004 campaign, during which a presidential and vice-presidential candidate were shot and wounded. However, the group raised concerns about compromised ballot secrecy in referendum voting, as well as presidential campaign spending that exceeded the legal limits. The January parliamentary elections were also seen as generally fair, although the fact that the KMT and DPP respectively secured 72 percent and 24 percent of the seats after winning 51 percent and 37 percent of the votes prompted some calls for reexamination of the new electoral procedures. The parliamentary elections were also marred by allegations of vote-buying; prosecutors were reportedly investigating 5,189 cases ahead of the elections, and in January, for the first time, a newly elected lawmaker was indicted for vote-buying.

Several high-level government figures were involved in corruption scandals during the year.The DPP’s Chen Shui-bian, whose presidential term ended in May 2008, admitted in August that he had not fully declared past campaign funds; he was indicted on other charges of money laundering and misuse of public funds in December. Among other high-profile cases, eight former and sitting lawmakers from various parties were indicted in January for allegedly accepting bribes; a scandal involving the embezzlement of nearly $30 million aimed at establishing diplomatic ties with Papua New Guinea was exposed in May; and the former director of the Justice Ministry’s Investigation Bureau was sentenced to 10 years in prison in December for withholding classified information related to Chen’s case. The indictment of a growing number of DPP officials led some observers to raise concerns about selective prosecution toward the end of the year. In a positive development, the watchdog Control Yuan began functioning in July after a three-year hiatus stemming from a Chen-KMT stalemate over appointments to the body. Taiwan was ranked 39 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index.

The Taiwanese media reflect a diversity of views and report aggressively on government policies and corruption allegations. Nevertheless, political polarization poses a challenge to press freedom, with most major news outlets seen as sympathetic to one of the two main parties. Some efforts to increase government control over publicly owned media emerged during 2008, with lawmakers freezing half the budget of the Taiwan Public Television Service for much of the year; in December, parliamentary committees approved resolutions requiring government item-by-item approval of programming budgets, but the bill was pending at year’s end. However, a reorganized National Communications Commission began work in August after a 2006 court ruling struck down its previous, partisan appointment system. Physical violence against journalists is rare, but several reporters were injured while covering protests during Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s visit in November. Police reportedly detained a documentary filmmaker for about an hour after she attempted to film protests outside Chen’s hotel; she apparently sustained minor injuries. Also in November, the China Times Group, one of Taiwan’s biggest media syndicates, was bought by a businessman with major interests in the PRC, raising the prospect of self-censorship by the media group in the future.There are generally no restrictions on internet access.

Taiwanese of all faiths can worship freely. Religious organizations can choose to register with the government; those that do so receive tax-exempt status. Taiwanese professors and other educators write and lecture freely.

Freedom of assembly is generally respected, as evidenced by several large-scale and mainly peaceful demonstrations that took place during 2008. Nevertheless, adherents of the Falun Gong spiritual movement came under pressure from local authorities in June to limit protests over the group’s repression in China at sites frequented by Chinese tourists. During Chen Yunlin’s visit in November, police in several cases restricted protesters from displaying Taiwanese and Tibetan flags, expressions of Taiwanese national identity, or critiques of the Chinese regime. Incidents of police brutality were reported, though demonstrators also engaged in violence, and dozens of people were injured. A probe into police misconduct by the Control Yuan was ongoing at year’s end.The Parade and Assembly Law includes restrictions on demonstration locations and permit requirements for outdoor meetings. Although such permits are generally granted, some individuals have been indicted in recent years for holding peaceful demonstrations without permission. The government proposed amendments to the law which passed initial approval in the legislature in December, though some observers viewed these as inadequate in key respects. All civic organizations must register with the government, although registration is freely approved. Taiwanese nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) focusing on human rights, social welfare, and the environment are active and operate without harassment.

Trade unions are independent, and most workers enjoy freedom of association. However, government employees and defense-industry workers are barred from joining unions or bargaining collectively. According to the U.S. State Department’s 2008 human rights report, unions may be dissolved if their activities “disturb public order,” while other restrictions undermine collective bargaining and make it difficult to strike legally. In 2008, as many as a third of Taiwanese companies ordered employees to take unpaid leave as the global downturn set in, sparking worker protests. (約有三分之一公司要求員工開始無薪假)

Taiwan’s 350,000 foreign workers are not covered by the Labor Standards Law or represented by unions, and many decline to report abuses for fear of deportation. During the year, the Council of Labor Affairs made several improvements to regulations governing the payment of foreign workers and took measures to facilitate their ability to change employers.

The judiciary is independent, and trials are generally fair. There is no trial by jury; judges decide all cases. Arbitrary arrest and detention are not permitted, and police generally respect this ban. Nevertheless, suspects can be detained for up to four months without charges; the provision was used in multiple corruption cases during 2008, including that of former president Chen. Legal experts also noted that Chen’s case was transferred among different judges in late December in a manner that seemed to circumvent the usual random assignments and gave the appearance of political influence. Amnesty International estimatedthat 82 people were on death row at year’s end, although no executions have been carried out since 2005.

Police corruption continues to be a problem. Suspects are allowed attorneys during interrogations specifically to prevent abuse. Searches without warrants are allowed only in particular circumstances, and a 1999 law imposes strict punishments for illicit wiretapping.

The constitution provides for the equality of all citizens. Apart from the unresolved issue of ownership of ancestral lands, the rights of indigenous people are protected by law. Six Legislative Yuan seats are reserved for indigenous people under electoral reforms that took effect in 2008. Taiwanese law does not provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status; PRC immigrants are more likely than others to be repatriated or held in lengthy detention.

With the exception of civil servants and military personnel traveling to China, freedom of movement is generally unrestricted. Beginning in July 2008, ordinary Chinese citizens were able to take direct charter flights to Taiwan on weekends. Previously, the flights were limited to four holiday weekends and only to select individuals. Following the signing of a new agreement in November, direct cross-strait flights were extended to seven days a week.

Taiwanese women continue to face private-sector job discrimination and lower pay than men on average. After the 2008 elections, women held 30 percent of the Legislative Yuan seats, an increase from 22 percent in the previous legislatures. Rape and domestic violence remain problems despite government programs to protect women and the work of numerous NGOs to improve women’s rights. Although authorities can pursue such cases without the victims formally pressing charges, cultural norms inhibit many women from reporting the crimes. Taiwan is both a source and destination for trafficked women. In November 2008, the Executive Yuan approved a draft Anti-Human Trafficking Law, but it had yet to be passed by the Legislative Yuan at year’s end.

Sunday, July 12, 2009

首度養酵的成果 (last update: 7/17)

因為自己釀醋成功的經驗, 進一步開始釀酒計畫. 參考網路上用葡萄乾養天然酵母的方式,我也實驗了一下. 因為沒有量杯等,其實份量都是目視並根據經驗斟酌取量的.

7/ 4 一開始放進去的樣子見此,還有兩種"中式"茴香酒的療效. 不過我喝過的是土耳其的茴香酒,甜甜的, 不大一樣.

之後我把它分成兩部份,一部份拿來釀茴香酒. 釀酒真是很有趣的過程. 釀酒是全厭氧的狀態,(釀醋是半厭氧),所以必須一次到位. 雖然我預留了約1/3瓶子的空間, 但發現瓶子有"變形"的狀態. 因此我將瓶蓋放鬆,但未打開,來釋放一些氣體.此時會聽到一陣"吁"的聲音,就像是打開可樂那種聲音.



氣泡很多,表示酵母快樂的發酵著... 釀酒要比較長的時間, 等過一陣子再回頭來更新,敬請期待囉!






另一半我拿來加入麵糰繼續養, 直到昨晚把它做成貝果麵糰. 這當然也要是茴香口味的囉! 我用茴香籽來取代芝麻,做成的茴香籽貝果. 不過因為養酵的葡萄乾已經被我拿來做茴香酥用掉了, 不然剛好可以拿來做貝果,一半葡萄乾口味,一半茴香籽口味...





茴香籽的味道其實和茴香葉很不一樣, 它沒有茴香葉的嗆味, 倒是有種清涼的味道. 難怪常被拿來和羊肉搭配. 茴香籽貝果的近照見此. 這裡也有茴香小廚的菜單與其他週邊商品.

7/17:
話說上次"漏氣"後現在都沒有氣泡了. 據說是釀酒的酵素現在才開始作用,一開始是製造氣體的酵素先作用...

Wednesday, July 8, 2009

轉載: An open response (to Open Letter No.4)回覆第四封公開信 (含部份翻譯)

在5/21馬先生就職一週年時,海外學者發布第四封公開信, 經過一個多月由新聞局長公開回覆此信,信中當然還是駁斥海外學者亂講話,否認所有指控包含選擇性辦案,指定特定檢察官(指併案換檢察官),干預媒體自由(中央社),介入媒體經營,強調兩岸政策正確性,否定ECFA有公投之必要,並表示簽訂ECFA有利自由貿易,此外修正版的集會遊行法是放寬規定(easing)而非學者宣稱的壓抑集會遊行的自由.


此回函相當長,原分成兩天刊載. 暫時簡短摘譯部分如下.

以下
-------------
Monday, Jul 06, 2009, Page 8
An open response

On behalf of the Government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, I am writing in response to the “Open letter to Taiwan’s President” cosigned by 26 persons and published by the Taipei Times on May 21, 2009 (page 8). This government has conscientiously responded in detail to three earlier open letters published in the Taipei Times, signed by essentially the same group of persons, expressing concerns about Taiwan’s judicial system, human rights and democracy. The May 21 letter reveals, however, that the signatories continue to have misconceptions on these matters, which I would like to take this opportunity to clear up.

1. False accusations of unjust prosecutorial and judicial processes. (檢察官與司法不公乃不實的指控)

Although, administratively, prosecutors in Taiwan are under the jurisdiction of the executive branch’s Ministry of Justice, they nevertheless in effect function as “judicial officials,” as they enjoy the same legally protected independence as judges under the jurisdiction of the judicial branch.

(檢察官與法官係獨立運作)

With regard to charges of corruption against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), former first lady Wu Shu-jen (吳淑珍) and others were indicted as accomplices on Nov. 3, 2006, long before president Chen stepped down in May 2008. When president Chen was finally indicted on Dec. 12, 2008, it was the prosecutor-general appointed by the [former] president himself who approved the indictment.

I would like to reiterate that this administration strictly adheres to a hands-off policy concerning individual legal cases and completely respects the independence of the prosecutorial and judicial systems. This administration cannot possibly change its attitude of noninterference in order to mollify critics who seem to believe it has the power to change things to their liking.

(新聞局重申政府不介入各案併駁斥司法不公是不實指控)

2. No indication of selective prosecution.

To date, most of the family members and former subordinates of former president Chen who are under investigation or on trial have admitted their guilt to prosecutors or judges on all or some of the charges against them. For instance, on Jan. 21, 2009, his son Chen Chih-chung (陳致中) and daughter-in-law Huang Jui-ching (黃睿靚) confessed in court to charges in connection with money laundering and sought to plea bargain. Former first lady Wu Shu-jen also confessed to four charges in court on Feb. 10, 2009, including forgery, leaking confidential information, accepting bribes and money laundering. On Feb. 19, former Presidential Office cashier Chen Chen-hui (陳鎮慧) confessed in court to all four charges against her — forgery, perjury, corruption and money laundering.

While the appropriateness of the current pretrial and intra-trial detention system has been widely discussed in various circles of society since the allegations of corruption were brought against former president Chen, the impartiality of the judges and the judicial system has not been seriously questioned.

雖然預防性偵查的系統自扁案以來被廣泛討論,法官與司法體系的公正性卻未是毫無疑問的(直譯:法官與司法體系的公正性從未被質疑....

謎之音:之前那幾封公開信難道是不存在的嗎? 那些信不都數次質疑司法公正性嗎? 好個裝聾作啞啊!)

3. No intervention in CNA editorial policy.

As for the open letter’s accusation of our government’s influence on the Central News Agency’s (CNA) direction of news reporting, I want to set the record straight: The ROC government has never intervened in the CNA’s news reporting or editorial policy. If one looks at recent CNA reports on government actions, one can tell that the news agency covers viewpoints of all sectors, including suspicions and criticisms. This demonstrates that the government has not intervened in CNA operations.

Using rumors to deprecate Taiwan’s freedom of the press as being manipulated through political intervention is baseless and damages the reputation of this government. I hope the signatories will more scrupulously check the validity of claims before making accusations. I also hope that they will stop spreading such false accusations.

(在此我(指蘇俊賓)必須指出政府從未介入中央社的運作以端正視聽............利用謠言來指控台灣媒體自由因政府介入而倒退是毫無根據的,並傷害這個政府的聲譽. 我希望各位署名者能夠在指控之前先確實映證這些謠言的可信度,並停止散播這種不實指控)

謎之音: 好大個官威啊! 不承認就算了還反過來說這些學者輕信謠言....也許有人要升官囉?

4. Retrogression of press freedom unacceptable.

The ROC government has spared no effort to respect and protect press freedom. Indeed, the thriving development of Taiwan’s mass media is a telling manifestation of our press freedom and freedom of speech. According to the 2009 edition of the Freedom of the Press report released by New York-based Freedom House, Taiwan’s news media environment ranked as “free” and second-best in Asia. The ROC government humbly accepts the suggestions made in the Freedom House report concerning Taiwan’s press freedom in the hope that we can achieve a better score next year.

根據2009自由之家的報告,台灣的新聞自由被評為"自由",且排名亞洲第二

謎之音: 簡單講是不承認媒體自由倒退啦! 好笑的是怎麼不提自由之家的報告中也提到台灣排名退步呢? 好的(評為自由)就引用,不好的就說是謠言? 這裡是當時自由之家發佈報告時的新聞


5. No interference in transfer of media ownership.

The open letter urges our government to pay attention to groups with close ties to mainland China that are buying into Taiwan’s media, as their financial muscle might be used to undermine Taiwan’s hard-won press freedom. I would like to express our government’s gratitude for the signatories’ concern in this regard. Since the repeal of the Publication Act in 1999, however, publication of newspapers no longer requires special approval, and shareholdings can be freely transferred. Moreover, governmental interference in private investments in the mass media amounts to interference in press freedom.

Currently, the ROC government has not lifted restrictions on mainland Chinese investment in or operation of Taiwan’s newspapers. In the future, we will keep close watch on whether capital from mainland China is flowing into Taiwan’s media world in order to preserve our national security.

第四封公開信裡提到中資介入台灣媒體運作將會妨害台灣得來不易的媒體自由. ........目前台灣政府尚未解除對中資介入台灣媒體的限制. 以後,我們也將緊密關切是否有中資介入台灣媒體的情形以保障國家安全

謎之音: 之前就有人踢爆TXXS等中資介入的情況, 好個裝聾作啞啊!

6. Easing of restrictions on public demonstrations.

Our government is profoundly aware that we are at a critical juncture in the development of our free and democratic system. To demonstrate our determination to enhance the protection of the right of assembly, and to carry out President Ma’s [Ying-jeou (馬英九)] campaign pledge to amend the law by requiring only advance notification in place of prior application for permission to hold demonstrations, amendments to the Parade and Assembly Act (集會遊行法) absolutely will not impose stricter requirements but will further ease the already mild restrictions.

In addition, the proposed amendments to the act will place tighter limits on the power of police to disperse gatherings as well as remove provisions regarding criminal penalties. President Ma has promised that the revised law will provide greater latitude than allowed in the United States and other advanced democracies.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all who are concerned for Taiwan, including the signatories of the open letter. We assure you that this administration will never cease striving to safeguard and strengthen our people’s freedom, democracy and human rights.

政院版的集遊法將更嚴格限制警察權限,也將刪除刑責.

謎之音: 那到底濫權的警察或升官或不起訴是什麼意思呢? 莫非免除刑責是指免除警察濫權的刑責?


SU JUN-PIN

Minister

Government Information Office

-------

Thursday, Jul 09, 2009, Page 8

An open response, part 2

On behalf of the Government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, I am writing in response to the “Open letter to Taiwan’s president” cosigned by 26 persons and published by the Taipei Times on May 21 expressing concerns about transparency in our government’s cross-strait policymaking processes. I would like to take this opportunity to clear up a number of misunderstandings in this regard.

1. Affirmation of the ROC’s cross-strait policy

In its cross-strait policymaking, this administration has always firmly upheld the ROC’s sovereignty. It has never changed and never will change its insistence on the principle of “putting Taiwan first for the benefit of the people.”

In the overall national interest, we have resumed institutionalized cross-strait negotiations, replacing confrontation with dialogue. Under the precondition of parity and dignity, the two sides have conducted three rounds of talks and have signed nine agreements and a joint statement on investment, which have advanced the normalization of cross-strait economic exchanges and strengthened protections for the financial assets of the people of Taiwan.

Surveys commissioned by the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) — such as those conducted by National Chengchi University, Berkeley Marketing Research and China Credit Information Service — reveal that the majority of people in Taiwan believe that cross-strait relations have become more relaxed. About 70 percent of respondents were satisfied with the cross-strait agreements and more than 60 percent believe the agreements will have a positive influence on Taiwan’s economy. Meanwhile, most respondents think that national sovereignty has not been denigrated.

The US State Department has solidly affirmed and praised our government’s mainland policies. Signatories of the open letter familiar with the US government’s hopes for better cross-strait relations should understand the reason for this. Can it be that worsening relations and rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait would be more advantageous to US interests?

2. No need for an ECFA referendum

The primary purposes of an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) are to maintain the competitive edge of Taiwan’s industries in the mainland market and to strengthen our foreign trade momentum so as to minimize the danger of being marginalized. A MAC-commissioned survey conducted by Berkeley Marketing Research in mid-April revealed that 70 percent of the respondents support the negotiation of an ECFA, indicating most people look at the potential benefits of such an agreement in a positive light.

With no question of sacrificing sovereignty, benefits for Taiwan’s economy include reducing the relocation of factories to other countries and thereby protecting jobs; lowering tariffs on our products and thereby boosting their competitiveness in the mainland market; spurring Taiwan’s globalization; and facilitating the negotiation and signing of economic agreements with other countries.

3. Any ECFA will be sent to the legislature for review

This administration has communicated extensively with the public in the hope that an ECFA can be signed before 2010. In the process of planning, the administration will be scrupulous in communicating with and explaining relevant matters to the legislature and all sectors of society. Whatever economic agreements are signed with mainland China will be sent to the legislature, in accordance with the law, for review and supervision. The same applies to any future cross-strait economic agreements.

It is clearly untrue, therefore, that, as claimed in the letter, cross-strait exchanges lack transparency and genuine dialogue, decisions and agreements are arrived at in secrecy and then simply announced to the public, and the legislature seems to have been sidelined.

4. Signing an ECFA will facilitate FTAs

The US government has indicated that without improved cross-strait relations and trade liberalization, the US cannot sign a free-trade agreement (FTA) with Taiwan. In fact, since President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) came into office, the peaceful, steady development of cross-strait relations has won the affirmation of our major trading partners, such as the US, the EU, Singapore, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. Many countries have indicated that the normalization of economic and trade relations across the Taiwan Strait will be conducive to expediting FTA talks with Taiwan.

The administration’s policy has always been to pursue FTAs with our major trading partners, while negotiating economic agreements with mainland China. This strategy is aimed at global deployment of our businesses, not just at expanding our mainland Chinese markets. As relations with mainland China progress, we can look forward to improved prospects for signing FTAs with other nations.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all who are concerned for Taiwan, including the signatories of the open letter. We assure you that this administration will continue to maintain transparency and adequate communication with all sectors of society.

SU JUN-PIN

Minister, Government Information Office

--------
延伸閱讀
第一封公開信王清峰的回函
第二封公開信王清峰的回函

第三封公開信蘇俊賓的回函

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

轉載: Ma's Taiwan lords over weak allies

這篇雖然是從國際關係還講,最後還是扯上民主才是台灣的"軟實力". 可惜馬政府似乎不這麼認為.此外,馬政府鄙夷(trash)的扁政府金錢外交,最後他自己卻還是得用這種自己宣稱鄙夷的方式"威脅"尼國政府才"贏回"尊嚴. 最經典的是,文章最後一段提到,一個自降國格,屈就於中國懷抱,不承認自己是獨立國家,哪來尊嚴?

友台轉載的是台灣,民主,與宏國政變有更直接的措辭,有興趣者請前往.

----------
Ma's Taiwan lords over weak allies

Taiwan News
Page 6
2009-07-06 01:53 AM

President Ma Ying-jeou's just concluded "Lasting Amity" diplomatic mission both displayed the inability of his restored Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) government to grasp the depth of revulsion in democratic Latin America to the military coup in Honduras and the martinet-like arrogance of Taiwan's "professional" diplomats.

Ironically, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega of the leftist Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and the crisis in Honduras figured in both phenomenon.

It should hardly be surprising that Ortega's Sandinista government is deeply concerned over the worsening political crisis in Honduras since the ouster and exile of democratically elected (if politically inept) President Jose Manuel Zelaya by a military coup June 28.

After all, for a decade after the Sandinista revolution of July 1979 that ended over four decades of the corrupt father and son Somoza dictatorship, the Honduras border area was the staging ground for a bitter covert war launched by pro-Somoza "counter-revolutionaries" or "contras" organized secretly by the United States Reagan administration and financed by many countries, ironically including both Taiwan under the (then) rabidly anti-Communist KMT regime under the late autocrat Chiang Ching-kuo and its then foe, the Chinese Communist Party-ruled People's Republic of China.

Ortega and the FSLN government are especially concerned with the possible restoration of military government in Honduras and the strong likelihood that such a regime would resume a nationalistic position on border issues to divert public attention from internal regressions in civic and political rights and news freedom.

Just before Ma's arrival July 3 after a three-day visit to Panama City for the inaugural of new Panamanian President Ricardo Martinelli, Ortega was struck a personal body blow with the apparent suicide of FSLN Managua City Mayor Alexis Arquella and was unable to welcome the Taiwan president upon his arrival at Managua International Airport Friday morning due to Arquella's funeral.

Despite the overarching preoccupations of the Honduran crisis and the death of his close friend and probable political successor, Ortega met with Ma and other Taiwan officials shortly after their arrival at the Presidential House and later personally drove his Taiwan counterpart to an agricultural exhibition in Mastege, southwest of Managua, that showcased the fruits of Taiwan agricultural technical and management assistance in combatting rural poverty.

While Nicaraguan leader brought smiles to Ma's face with lavish praise and undeserved gratitude for projects mostly initiated under previous Taiwan leaders, Ortega committed, in the eyes of Taiwan martinets, an unforgivable slight by failing to appear at the official state banquet that evening.

Flexing the muscles

Before the reasons for this egregious violation of protocol were discerned, Taiwan diplomats demanded that Ortega both explain and apologize or else face the cancellation of an important US$3.7 million "Microfer" commercial training and exhibition facility funded mainly by Taiwan as an incubator of creative "micro-entrepreneurship and sustainable employment.

In the event, Ortega called the Taiwan ambassador to Nicaragua in the wee hours Saturday to explain that his absence was caused by emergency developments in the Honduran crisis and Zelaya's sudden arrival and offered effusive apologies for missing Friday's fete.

The Sandinista leader repeated these explanations and apologies in to Ma privately Saturday morning and publicly at a noon overseas Taiwanese banquet.

Taiwan government sources boasted that such a display of "firmness" in the defense of "dignity" for "maltreatment" at the hands of diplomatic partners was "inconceivable" under the former Democratic Progressive Party administration of Chen Shui-bian because the latter's intense international struggle with Beijing left Taipei at the mercy of its smaller and usually poorer allies.

However, such charges have only partial validity and fall short of "proving" that this diplomatic "triumph" resulted from Ma's truce with the PRC and a resulting "buyer's market" for diplomatic allies.

The gap between the Chen and Ma eras actually lies in the divergent priorities of a grassroots president and party which, for all of its faults, was rooted in the common people and did not define "dignity" in terms of aristocratic protocol but in terms of mutual respect and justice and a restored caste of martinets with a dualistic mentality accustomed to bullying the weak and cravenly kowtows to the strong, now defined as the PRC.

Ortega's regret may have been sincere, but thanks to the decision by Taiwan diplomats to jump on their high horses, it is difficult to be certain whether he apologized out of ordinary courtesy or was forced to do so because of Taipei's implied willingness to trash an assistance project and thus harm his people or even risk a rupture in ties over a missed meal.

We find little for Taiwan to be proud about in this "triumph" while the same KMT government has trashed Taiwan's genuine dignity itself by denying that Taiwan is an independent state and accepting a status as a client state in all but name under PRC suzerainty.

Friday, July 3, 2009

轉載: Lu tells media in US of the perils Taiwan is facing

Former vice president Annette Lu talks during a press conference at the National Press Club in Washington on Thursday. In her talk, Lu called on US President Barack Obama to stop encouraging Taiwan into leaning further toward China and that he should pay attention to the potential dangers Taiwan faces.


這篇雖然不算外電,但是呂前副總統在美國華府的相關新聞, 原來的活動(Prospects for Taiwan's Future)是FAPA贊助,假The National Press Club所舉行.


轉載如下

-------------

Lu tells media in US of the perils Taiwan is facing

‘STEP BY STEP’:: The former vice president told news outlets in the US that the nation was steadily being turned into Chinese Taipei by Ma’s pro-China policies
By William Lowther
STAFF REPORTER , WASHINGTON
Saturday, Jul 04, 2009, Page 3


Former vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) said in Washington on Thursday that “step by step and day by day” Taiwan was being changed into Chinese Taipei.

There was a danger, she said, that Taiwan would lose its democracy and become a province of China.

She said that under President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) pro-China policies, the country could be cooked like a frog in gradually heating water until it is eventually “Hong Kong-ized” and eaten up by Beijing.

In a speech entitled “Prospects for Taiwan’s Future: All Options Open,” Lu told a conference at the National Press Club that while foreign observers were delighted by what they perceived as a decrease in tensions across the Taiwan Strait and an increase in stability, Taiwan had made compromises that were too deep and too large.

She said that agreements with China had excited some, but that others saw them as a trap arranged under China’s united front policy.

Lu did not meet with politicians or think tanks during the Washington visit but held talks with a number of leading US newspapers.

She said that she was now concentrating on her role as founder and publisher of the weekly Formosa Post and that while she remained a member of the DPP, she had no plans to run for political office.

Lu said she was confused by the many accusations against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and that she only hoped he would receive a fair and open trial.

She recalled that she had been a victim of the old political system and did not want to see the courts abused again.


A short biography handed out by her aides read: “In a 1979 rally commemorating International Human Rights Day, she gave a 20-minute speech urging the then-Chinese Nationalist government to embrace democracy and improve human rights. Her speech landed her a 12-year sentence in jail. She was released in 1985 because of intense international pressure.”

Before DPP leaders go to China, she said, there needed to be four vital rules in place: There should be no preconditions set by Beijing; all aspects of the visit should be transparent; there should be no secret deals and those going should have no self interests involved.

Lastly, Lu urged all Americans to pay close attention to what was happening in Taiwan “before it is too late” and before pro-China policies “undermine the stability and strength” of the country.

Thursday, July 2, 2009

茴香醋系列

這篇來綜合一下茴香醋與其應用. 完整的請按各連結...

茴香(5):茴香醋的製作與簡單的應用例如油醋醬沙拉

一開始的樣子



幾天後



茴香(6):主要是拿來做醋飯,有醋飯就可以做壽司了



茴香(7): 茴香大餐. 茴香烤雞冷麵沙拉

Wednesday, July 1, 2009

轉載: Police accountability on trial (updated)

這篇社論講警察濫權引發的憂慮,特別是在集會遊行法修改後,警察被賦予權力停止任何看來有很能引爆衝突的示威抗議.

集會遊行本為民主社會下人民的一種權利,從陳雲林期間的多場警民衝突以來,到民眾提起自訴但遭警察機關試圖拖延司法偵查等(例如說無法確定是哪位警察涉及傷民,詳見下面原文提到警察機構一直到立委召開記者會後才配合司法偵查),無一不令人擔憂. 這是陳來台期間引起的警民衝突,當時國際特赦組織還發文呼籲警察勿濫用暴力

事實上與此同時令人擔憂的還有檢察官濫權的行為. 從謝清志的案例郭瑤琪的案例都顯示著

之前我提過了,這種外部性不經濟,最好能夠內部化來解決以提高效率.最近世界銀行公佈得知台灣政府效能大退步,也許這些都是原因之一.

以下原文轉貼.
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Police accountability on trialWednesday, Jul 01, 2009, Page 8

When Taipei City police were accused last week of hindering a lawsuit over their response to protests in November, it wasn’t the first indication that there would be difficulties in substantiating police abuse of powers. Still, more than six months after Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s (陳雲林) visit to Taiwan — and the demonstrations that the visit sparked — some of the complaints of protesters have reached court.

Taipei police have been accused of using excessive force against demonstrators and violating their freedom of expression during Chen’s visit.

Following that visit, the Judicial Reform Foundation helped members of the public with complaints against the police to take action, filing several lawsuits on their behalf. More lawsuits have been filed independently. Last week, three criminal cases opened at the Taipei District Court concerning the allegations against the police.

On Wednesday, the foundation expressed concern that the Taipei City Police Department might be shielding officers from court scrutiny. In a case concerning the police force’s response to protests outside the Grand Formosa Regent on Nov. 5, the department told the Taipei District Court it could not identify officers shown in photographs taken during the clash.

The group said that police departments elsewhere in the country had cooperated in similar lawsuits, identifying officers in photographs that had been provided to the court.

The question is whether political pressure or pressure within the police force to protect colleagues is hindering the judicial process. In an unexpected twist, after the foundation held a press conference with Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Huang Sue-ying (黃淑英), the Taipei Police Department said that it would identify the officers in the photographs.

If the threat of bad publicity is needed to ensure the cooperation of police departments, then there is every reason for concern.

After last week’s complaint by the foundation and the police department’s apparent turnaround on identifying the officers, it should be clear that any obstructions that hamper proceedings will attract attention and be acted on.

However, activists worry that it is easier for the police to seek redress in cases of clashes between officers and protesters. Significantly, the perception that taking legal action against police is exceedingly difficult has been a primary complaint of civic groups who oppose a Cabinet-proposed amendment to the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法). The amendment would allow police to stop protests that they deem to be a threat to public security — but opponents say there is potential for abuse.

In April, the Taipei District Prosecutors’ Office said it would not indict former Beitou Precinct chief Lee Han-ching (李漢卿) — now the head of Shilin Precinct — who was in charge during an incident at Sunrise Records on Nov. 4 in which the store was ordered closed for reasons that were possibly outside police authority. The decision not to send the case to court drew criticism from civic groups and may lend credence to their concerns.

Limits on police power are an integral part of a democracy. For this reason, the three trials now in motion will be a gauge of police accountability. Fair and unobstructed proceedings will be necessary to dispel reasonable doubts on the safety of the verdicts.

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延伸閱讀
檢察官無法管?
檢察官也有感慨