整個十月與十一月都非常忙碌,竟然就漏掉這麼重要的一篇報導. 現在補上. 大致意譯了一下.(老實說,我覺得我的翻譯整篇念起來怎麼怪怪的?)
這篇公開信的重點,依我看來在於對台灣過於親中而忽略其他國際社會的一些警告. 在齋藤辭職,部份人士樂於自貶為區域等的新聞後對照此公開信,更讓人擔憂.
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An open letter to Taiwan’s president
Friday, Nov 13, 2009, Page 8
Dear President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九),
During the past year, we, the undersigned — scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia — have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends and developments in Taiwan. On Nov. 6, 2008, and again on Dec. 2 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰), we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
在過去一年來，來自美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲等在內的國際學者，幾度公開向貴政府表達我們對台灣目前的一些發展和走向的顧慮及關心。2008年十一月六日及十二月二[原文見此]日，在致貴法務部長王清峰的信件中，我們特別指出有關台灣司法被傾蝕、制度瑕疵、以及對在野黨成員的司法追究之濫權的擔憂。[版主註:雖然這裡寫的是11/6/2008,但是在原來公開信上註明的日期其實是11/4. ]
On Jan. 21, 2009, and again on May 21, we addressed two open letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances.
We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我們也分別撰寫兩封公開信給您馬總統，明確表達我們對司法公正、新聞自由及民主制衡的關切。
很遺憾的,我們必須說,雖然新聞局長蘇俊賓撥冗回覆[版主註:詳見response to No. 3 and open response to No.4],但其給我們的回函並沒有針對問題核心回覆,而我們也未見到台灣政府拿出具體行動解決問題。
Since then, a number of developments have taken place — some positive and some negative — which prompted us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation.
從那時起的一些後續發展--含正面的與負面的,無一不促使我們再度撰函予您以表達我們對這些問題的看法. 我們必須再次強調,我們是一群支持台灣民主的國際學者,我們深切希望台灣日後可以成為一個自由與民主的國家.
We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind. Because of the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago.
我們也必須重申,我們並非支持特定(藍綠)陣營,但是我們關切台灣的國際形象與信譽. 因為台灣好不容易經過20年的努力才轉型成為一個民主國家. [註:美國務院的人權報告]
We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
我們肯定台灣民主這項成就,而民主也是台灣在與國際其他國家強化關係與抗衡外力干涉台灣內政時的最大的王牌.[註:民主才是王牌在當初馬政府拒發熱比婭簽證受到國際批評時,WSJ就有類似的文章了.又,國際試圖干涉台灣內政,如司法嗎?參考此文]
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
我們相信您也同意台灣的民主還未臻成熟(young democracy),台灣民主能夠繼續茁壯則有賴政府透明的制度對於民主,司法與人權的規範. 這也符合台灣今年簽署且經立法院核准的的兩項聯合國人權條款的內容和精神, 進一步依照國際法律協會的建議，將其制定為法律，並且在台灣實行。
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan.
台灣在過去20年有長足的進步.然而,令人失望的,(在過去一年中)我們看到司法被侵蝕[版主註:1,2,3],民主制衡體系被削弱[相關連結1,2,3],而且新聞自由倒退[版主註:相關連結1,2,3,4].
These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
這些趨勢反應在自由之家與無國界記者組織的年度評比(退步)之中(詳見上面相關連結).
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the former DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
這些趨勢也反映在國際學者與友人自扁案與其他前朝民進黨官員的司法案例中,這些案例突顯出司法體系的瑕疵,如缺乏中立的審判.再一次的,我們希望對您表達,也希望貴政府採取措施以確保司法的公正與公平性. [註:扁案判決的一些連結]
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with your large neighbor across the Taiwan Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public.
自由民主正義及人權基本原則建立在權責分明、公開透明的的政治制度上。就在台灣政府正把台灣帶向與中國更密切的經濟合作路上，雖然我們肯定降低台海的緊張關係，但要也強調兩岸關係的改善不應該以台灣得來不易的民主及人權為代價。
We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community.
我們樂見任何台灣政府與中國政府的協議均將顧及台灣內部的共識與國際社會的接受,包含將兩岸協商報請立法院同意.
We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago. Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties — economically and politically — to other countries.
我們相信與中國對話的過程將會是公開的，諮詢性的，並尊重台灣近二十年來所發展的民主基礎為前提而進行。我們也要強調,一個國家的成長與繁榮必需保持國際多元化,不管是經濟上的或是政治上的.
Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
過度的依賴一個鄰國將會把台灣帶入險境,特別是這個鄰國是個專制國家且公開藐視台灣的民主成就.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner.
This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its democratic achievements are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected, and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
馬總統，我們以國際學者的身份觀察台灣多年，支持並肯定台灣的民主成就，我們深信台灣有資格更加被國際社會接納為平等的一員。而達到此目標的唯一方式是台灣本身必須捍衛台灣的民主成果[註:這個蘇小賓另一個回應顯然也是讓國際學者不滿啊]，確保主權、人權,保障基本自由[版主註:新聞自由外,言論自由的連結參考此]，鞏固社會民主，台灣才有能力面對未來的挑戰。
Respectfully yours,
NAT BELLOCCHIFormer chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUWFormosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
GORDON CHANGAuthor, “The Coming Collapse of China”
EDWARD FRIEDMANProfessor of political science and East Asian studies, University of Wisconsin
PETER CHOWProfessor of economics, City College of New York STEPHANE CORCUFFAssociate professor of political science, China and Taiwan studies, University of Lyon
MICHAEL DANIELSEN Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER Professor of political science, University of MiamiJOHN TKACIKFormer senior research fellow at The Heritage Foundation and former officer at the Taiwan Coordination Desk, Department of State, Washington
TERRI GILESExecutive director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
MICHAEL RAND HOAREEmeritus reader at the University of London
CHRISTOPHER HUGHESProfessor of international relations, London School of Economics and Political Science
THOMAS HUGHES Former chief of staff to the late senator
Claiborne Pell, Washington
BRUCE JACOBS Professor of Asian languages and studies, Monash University
RICHARD KAGAN Professor emeritus of history, Hamline University
JEROME KEATING Associate professor, National Taipei University (retired).
David KilgourFormer member of parliament and secretary of state for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
ANDRE LALIBERTE Associate professor, School of Political Studies, University of OttawaDANIEL LYNCH Associate professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
LIU SHIH-CHUNG Visiting fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
VICTOR MAIR Professor of Chinese language and literature, University of Pennsylvania DONALD RODGERS Associate professor of political science, Austin College
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER Associate professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, chair of Austrian Associationof East Asian Studies
SCOTT SIMON Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
MICHAEL STAINTON York Center for Asia Research, TorontoPERRY LINK Professor emeritus ofEast Asian Studies,Princeton University
PETER TAGUE Professor of law,Georgetown University
ARTHUR WALDRON Lauder professor of international relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG Professor of political science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES Editor of “Taiwan Communique,” Washington
STEPHEN YATES President of DC Asia Advisory and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for nationalsecurity affairs.
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