轉眼這個部落閣也走過第三年. 簡短寫下這三年來的轉變:此部落格本來是當作msn spaces 的備份檔,自從有了兩個部落格,一度曾經想過分主題在兩個部落格刊載,後來又因為兩個部落格的編輯功能,流量追蹤功能等不同又回到備份格或是精簡版的作用--本來的構想是每週一篇. 當作備份或是精簡版有個好處,我可以拿來做交叉比對,當然,這完全是方便我個人拿在做統計練習.
在2009的最後一天,就讓多倫多美食之旅(冬季篇)的流水帳來做總結.
展望新的一年,祝自己也祝大家新年快樂!
Thursday, December 31, 2009
Thursday, December 17, 2009
[轉載] 回應第五封公開信 (updated: 全文英漢對照)
這是蘇俊賓回應 11/13/2009國際學者給馬政府的第五封公開信. 轉載如下,對照我自己的翻譯. 翻到後面很想吐,若有錯譯漏譯,請不吝指正. 感恩!
--------
GIO response to Nov. 13 open letter
By Su Jun-pin 蘇俊賓
Friday, Dec 18, 2009, Page 8
關於各位學者在(2009年)十一月十三日發表對於台灣自由民主,司法系統,與兩岸關係的建言, 我已代表政府公開詳細回覆. (註: 第四封的回函相當長,曾以連續兩天刊載回函)
Rather than repeat myself, therefore, I would like to direct the attention of the signatories to examples of the international community’s assessments and public opinion on these matters.
因此,與其重複,我將針對各位提出的建議,引用國際社會與台灣公眾意見逐一答覆如下. (按: 第五封公開信一開始就提到,雖然多次建議,政府也回覆,但是都沒有針對重點回答啊!第五封公開信開頭第二段就提到: We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.)
Freedom House: Taiwan a model among new Asian democracies. (自由之家: 台灣是亞洲民主的典範)
Following two decades of governmental and judicial reform, Taiwan has created the most flourishing democratic system and freest press environment among Chinese societies in East Asia. According to the Freedom in the World 2009 survey released by Freedom House(詳見此), we not only continue to rank among the world’s “free” countries but count as a model of success among new Asian democracies. (<--妝笑維,人家也知道啊,但人家的問題是說,台灣的排名倒退啊! 完全沒解釋退步的原因!)
經過二十年的政府與司法改造,台灣已經創造出蓬勃的民主系統,在東亞的華人社會裡享有最大的新聞自由. 根據自由之家2009年公布的報告,我們不但依舊被評比為"自由"國度,還是亞洲民主的典範.
Further, our ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and our enactment of legislation requiring all domestic laws to conform with these covenants, have won the praise of international human rights groups. Undeniably, the Republic of China has evolved into a genuinely free and democratic nation respected as such in the international community — not one in which, as claimed in the open letter, freedom and democracy have eroded.
此外,我們簽署了兩個國際人權公約, 並檢視國內法規是否與國際公約符合, 這種認同國際公約並轉化國內法的作法贏得了國際人權組織的嘉許. 不可否認的, 中華民國已經演化到一個真正的,受到國際社會尊敬的自由民主國家,絕對不是公開信裡宣稱的自由民主被傾蝕的國家.
Transparency International: Taiwan progressing in honesty of government.透明國際(Transparency International) 台灣朝誠實政府邁進
The several cases of suspected corruption on the part of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and officials in his administrative team that have erupted since 2008 have seriously damaged the nation’s international image and destroyed citizens’ trust in and respect for the government.
好幾件與前總統陳水扁與其幕僚有關的貪汙案件自從2008年爆發之後已經嚴重傷害到台灣的國際形象,也傾害國民對政府的信任. (<--千錯萬錯都是阿扁的錯啦!)
Since President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) took office in May 2008, his administration has drawn up a new blueprint for cultivating governmental integrity and has energetically promoted reform aimed at enhancing cleanliness of government. According to the Corruption Perceptions Index 2009 released by Transparency International on Nov. 17, 2009, our ranking among the 180 countries surveyed rose to 37th place, illustrating international analysts’ affirmation of our reform efforts.
自馬英九執政以來,馬政府團隊已經建立新的藍圖, 以重建政府清廉. 根據透明國際(Transparency International)在今年十一月十七日公佈的2009年貪腐指數,台灣在全球180個國家的排名已經進步到第37名, 透明國際這個調查結果肯定馬政府的清廉政府的改革.
In the future, enjoying the firm support of our citizenry, this government will join forces with other sectors of society to press forward with anti-corruption reform measures to realize the ideal of clean government and a society founded on trust.
在未來, 在全體公民的支持下,政府將與其他社會團體一同努力建立清廉政府.
Political and Economic Risk Consultancy: Taiwan’s judicial system fair, independent. 台灣司法系統公平獨立
Regarding the handling of court cases involving the former president, under President Ma’s leadership, this government has put great importance on maintaining the fairness and independence of our prosecutorial and judicial systems and has in no way interfered in their operations in pursuit of any political agenda.
關於前陳總統的一些司法案件,在馬政府將重點放在公平與獨立的檢調與司法體系, 以杜絕任何政治干預.
On Sept. 11 this year, the Taipei District Court found former president Chen, as well as his wife, son and daughter-in-law, guilty of several crimes, including money laundering and embezzling money from the presidential state affairs fund, for which they were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. The latter three had confessed to a number of charges. At a Taiwan High Court hearing on Nov. 24, Chen’s wife, son, daughter and son-in-law pled guilty to charges of perjury. And before the same court on the previous day, a former chairperson of the state-controlled Taipei Financial Center Corp admitted having committed perjury and having given the former first lady a bribe of NT$10 million (US$309,000) in exchange for help in securing the “Taipei 101” chairperson position.
今年的九月十一日,台北法院發現陳前總統與其夫人,兒子與媳婦多項犯罪有罪,包括洗錢收賄等,各被求判處不同年的徒刑. 吳淑珍,陳致中與黃睿靖皆認罪. 此三人在十一月二十四日在高等法院開庭的時候被叛有罪. 就在前一天,陳敏薰也認罪承認以台幣千萬元為代價以鞏固她在台北101的董座職位.
According to the latest Asian Intelligence report issued on Nov. 4 by the widely respected Hong Kong firm Political and Economic Risk Consultancy, Ltd (PERC), it is generally believed that in the Chen Shui-bian case, the court proceedings have been transparent, the evidence against him is convincing and the judiciary has operated independently — not as a political tool of the Kuomintang (KMT).
根據Asian Intelligence (按: 一時找不到台灣的譯名,先不翻譯),由廣受尊敬的香港,政治經濟風險顧問公司,在十一月四日的報告指出, 一般大眾相信陳水扁的案件在法院的程序透明,同時證據顯示陳水扁涉案, 法院獨立運作, 而非國民黨的政治操作.
This illustrates the fairness and independence of our judicial system as appraised by international investigative organizations.
這顯示出司法系統的公平獨立,且受到國際組織的肯定.
Cross-strait detente: Supported by the people, in line with international expectations.緩和兩岸關係: 受到民眾支持,符合國際預期
This government’s policies concerning Taiwan-mainland China relations have always upheld the Republic of China’s national sovereignty and have insisted on the principle of putting Taiwan first for the benefit of its people. These stances have not changed, nor will they change. Over the past year, based on the “1992 consensus,” the two sides’ inking of nine agreements related to people’s livelihood has steadily expanded the scope of cooperation across the Taiwan Strait and gradually built up goodwill and mutual trust.
政府的兩岸關係政策向來首重台灣主權,並堅持台灣人民優先. 這個立場從未改變,也不會改變. 在過去一年,基於九二共識,兩岸已簽署九個協議,以促進兩岸建立善意與相互信賴. (<--民調顯示正好相反啊! 馬政府自己感覺良善但卻與一般民眾看法相左)
As the representative of a democratic society, in dealing with cross-strait issues, the ROC government will surely take protection of the nation’s sovereignty and promotion of our people’s prosperity as its highest guiding principles. At the same time, it is open to the public’s and the Legislature’s scrutiny. The two sides signed three Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) on Financial Supervisory Cooperation on Nov. 16, and a public opinion poll conducted by TVBS between Oct. 16 and Oct. 18 indicated that 60 percent of respondents believed that such MOUs would enhance the soundness of cross-strait financial interchange, while 53 percent believed that they would have a positive influence on Taiwan’s financial industry. This shows that the signing of the MOUs is supported by the public.
代表民主社會的一員,在兩岸關係事務上,台灣政府向來以捍衛主權,促進人民繁榮為最高指導原則(<--只是不知道是哪個國家的主權啦!哪個戶籍地的人民繁榮啦! 怎麼辦,太噁心我翻不下去了啦!). 在此同時,兩岸事務也對民眾公開,受到立法院備查. 兩岸所簽訂的備忘錄,在民調如TVBS在十月十六至十月十八日之間的調查顯示,百分之六十的受訪者對此表達支持,而且有百分之五十三民眾相信這將帶來正面影響. 這都顯示出簽訂備忘錄受到大眾支持. (<--只用TVBS的調查,阿其他反對的調查怎都不敢講啊?)
As for the cross-strait economic cooperation framework agreement currently under consideration, this government is quite willing to work for a nationwide consensus on this and other cross-strait policies through channels of dialogue and communication such as the Legislative Yuan and party-to-party discussion.
至於兩岸經濟合作架構限在正考慮中,政府願意努力達成共識,透過各種對話與溝通的管道,例如透過立法院與黨與黨協商. (按:這個指的是ECFA, 問題是,行政院長都不接受挑戰啊!只會派其他人,然後其他人又是脫口說出失業XXX,毫無基礎,這有啥屁用啊)
This government’s efforts to improve cross-strait relations have won the support of the majority of our people and created new vistas for Taiwan’s development. During his recent visit to mainland China, US President Barack Obama also expressed support for improvements in cross-strait relations. In addition, we have seen breakthrough developments with respect to our participation in the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, our accession to the Government Procurement Agreement of the World Trade Organization and our participation as an observer at the World Health Assembly.
政府極力改善兩岸關係已經贏得多數民眾的支持,也替台灣創造新景象. (按: 這是在說笑話嗎? 明明前幾天天下雜誌的調查才顯示出相反的結果呢!)近期歐巴馬訪中,也曾指出欣見兩岸關係改善. 此外,我們也參與APEC的討論, 加入WTO,並成為WHA的觀察員(<--,別忘了,是自我矮化,在中國准許下才參與的,還鬧出什麼葉金川事件丟人現眼)
In September of this year, we also declared it imperative that Taiwan participate in activities of the UN International Civil Aviation Organization, and that talks be held under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. As such efforts are intimately related to the welfare of Taiwan’s people, our government will continue to pursue these as well as other initiatives to advance the well-being of our nation and people.
今年九月,我們表達讓台灣參與國際民航組織的重要性,如此可在聯合國架構下參加氣象高峰會. 這將密切關係到台灣民眾的福利,政府也將持續追求這些參與國際社會以促進民眾福利的努力.
Since his inauguration, President Ma has focused on promoting a “second wave” of democratic reform, in the hope that, within his term of office, we can significantly enhance the quality of our democracy — that we can make strides toward democratic excellence through which human rights are more firmly secured, the spirit of rule of law is more solidly embodied, judicial independence and fairness are more deeply rooted, and civil society flourishes with greater vitality. Such aims are shared throughout our society, and we hope that those who, like the signatories of the open letter, care about Taiwan will lend us their support. Let us work together to ensure that Taiwan always stands on the side of freedom, democracy and peace.
自從馬政府就任以來,馬總統已展開第二波民主改造(按: 第二波白色恐怖嗎?),希望在他的任期內,可以顯著提升民主品質,確保人權,維持司法獨立與公平,公民活動蓬勃發展. 這些目標都明確地傳達給社會,我們希望關心台灣的國際友人,例如這些署名學者可以繼續支持台灣.讓我們共同為台灣的自由民主與和平共同努力.(<--最後這段話又出現以前反共復國的文章結論了,好八股啊)
Su Jun-pin is the minister of the Government Information Office.
--------
延伸閱讀
第一封公開信 與 王清峰的回函
第二封公開信 與 王清峰的回函
第三封公開信 與 蘇俊賓的回函
第四封公開信 與 蘇俊賓的回函
--------
GIO response to Nov. 13 open letter
By Su Jun-pin 蘇俊賓
Friday, Dec 18, 2009, Page 8
關於各位學者在(2009年)十一月十三日發表對於台灣自由民主,司法系統,與兩岸關係的建言, 我已代表政府公開詳細回覆. (註: 第四封的回函相當長,曾以連續兩天刊載回函)
Rather than repeat myself, therefore, I would like to direct the attention of the signatories to examples of the international community’s assessments and public opinion on these matters.
因此,與其重複,我將針對各位提出的建議,引用國際社會與台灣公眾意見逐一答覆如下. (按: 第五封公開信一開始就提到,雖然多次建議,政府也回覆,但是都沒有針對重點回答啊!第五封公開信開頭第二段就提到: We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.)
Freedom House: Taiwan a model among new Asian democracies. (自由之家: 台灣是亞洲民主的典範)
Following two decades of governmental and judicial reform, Taiwan has created the most flourishing democratic system and freest press environment among Chinese societies in East Asia. According to the Freedom in the World 2009 survey released by Freedom House(詳見此), we not only continue to rank among the world’s “free” countries but count as a model of success among new Asian democracies. (<--妝笑維,人家也知道啊,但人家的問題是說,台灣的排名倒退啊! 完全沒解釋退步的原因!)
經過二十年的政府與司法改造,台灣已經創造出蓬勃的民主系統,在東亞的華人社會裡享有最大的新聞自由. 根據自由之家2009年公布的報告,我們不但依舊被評比為"自由"國度,還是亞洲民主的典範.
Further, our ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and our enactment of legislation requiring all domestic laws to conform with these covenants, have won the praise of international human rights groups. Undeniably, the Republic of China has evolved into a genuinely free and democratic nation respected as such in the international community — not one in which, as claimed in the open letter, freedom and democracy have eroded.
此外,我們簽署了兩個國際人權公約, 並檢視國內法規是否與國際公約符合, 這種認同國際公約並轉化國內法的作法贏得了國際人權組織的嘉許. 不可否認的, 中華民國已經演化到一個真正的,受到國際社會尊敬的自由民主國家,絕對不是公開信裡宣稱的自由民主被傾蝕的國家.
Transparency International: Taiwan progressing in honesty of government.透明國際(Transparency International) 台灣朝誠實政府邁進
The several cases of suspected corruption on the part of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and officials in his administrative team that have erupted since 2008 have seriously damaged the nation’s international image and destroyed citizens’ trust in and respect for the government.
好幾件與前總統陳水扁與其幕僚有關的貪汙案件自從2008年爆發之後已經嚴重傷害到台灣的國際形象,也傾害國民對政府的信任. (<--千錯萬錯都是阿扁的錯啦!)
Since President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) took office in May 2008, his administration has drawn up a new blueprint for cultivating governmental integrity and has energetically promoted reform aimed at enhancing cleanliness of government. According to the Corruption Perceptions Index 2009 released by Transparency International on Nov. 17, 2009, our ranking among the 180 countries surveyed rose to 37th place, illustrating international analysts’ affirmation of our reform efforts.
自馬英九執政以來,馬政府團隊已經建立新的藍圖, 以重建政府清廉. 根據透明國際(Transparency International)在今年十一月十七日公佈的2009年貪腐指數,台灣在全球180個國家的排名已經進步到第37名, 透明國際這個調查結果肯定馬政府的清廉政府的改革.
In the future, enjoying the firm support of our citizenry, this government will join forces with other sectors of society to press forward with anti-corruption reform measures to realize the ideal of clean government and a society founded on trust.
在未來, 在全體公民的支持下,政府將與其他社會團體一同努力建立清廉政府.
Political and Economic Risk Consultancy: Taiwan’s judicial system fair, independent. 台灣司法系統公平獨立
Regarding the handling of court cases involving the former president, under President Ma’s leadership, this government has put great importance on maintaining the fairness and independence of our prosecutorial and judicial systems and has in no way interfered in their operations in pursuit of any political agenda.
關於前陳總統的一些司法案件,在馬政府將重點放在公平與獨立的檢調與司法體系, 以杜絕任何政治干預.
On Sept. 11 this year, the Taipei District Court found former president Chen, as well as his wife, son and daughter-in-law, guilty of several crimes, including money laundering and embezzling money from the presidential state affairs fund, for which they were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. The latter three had confessed to a number of charges. At a Taiwan High Court hearing on Nov. 24, Chen’s wife, son, daughter and son-in-law pled guilty to charges of perjury. And before the same court on the previous day, a former chairperson of the state-controlled Taipei Financial Center Corp admitted having committed perjury and having given the former first lady a bribe of NT$10 million (US$309,000) in exchange for help in securing the “Taipei 101” chairperson position.
今年的九月十一日,台北法院發現陳前總統與其夫人,兒子與媳婦多項犯罪有罪,包括洗錢收賄等,各被求判處不同年的徒刑. 吳淑珍,陳致中與黃睿靖皆認罪. 此三人在十一月二十四日在高等法院開庭的時候被叛有罪. 就在前一天,陳敏薰也認罪承認以台幣千萬元為代價以鞏固她在台北101的董座職位.
According to the latest Asian Intelligence report issued on Nov. 4 by the widely respected Hong Kong firm Political and Economic Risk Consultancy, Ltd (PERC), it is generally believed that in the Chen Shui-bian case, the court proceedings have been transparent, the evidence against him is convincing and the judiciary has operated independently — not as a political tool of the Kuomintang (KMT).
根據Asian Intelligence (按: 一時找不到台灣的譯名,先不翻譯),由廣受尊敬的香港,政治經濟風險顧問公司,在十一月四日的報告指出, 一般大眾相信陳水扁的案件在法院的程序透明,同時證據顯示陳水扁涉案, 法院獨立運作, 而非國民黨的政治操作.
This illustrates the fairness and independence of our judicial system as appraised by international investigative organizations.
這顯示出司法系統的公平獨立,且受到國際組織的肯定.
Cross-strait detente: Supported by the people, in line with international expectations.緩和兩岸關係: 受到民眾支持,符合國際預期
This government’s policies concerning Taiwan-mainland China relations have always upheld the Republic of China’s national sovereignty and have insisted on the principle of putting Taiwan first for the benefit of its people. These stances have not changed, nor will they change. Over the past year, based on the “1992 consensus,” the two sides’ inking of nine agreements related to people’s livelihood has steadily expanded the scope of cooperation across the Taiwan Strait and gradually built up goodwill and mutual trust.
政府的兩岸關係政策向來首重台灣主權,並堅持台灣人民優先. 這個立場從未改變,也不會改變. 在過去一年,基於九二共識,兩岸已簽署九個協議,以促進兩岸建立善意與相互信賴. (<--民調顯示正好相反啊! 馬政府自己感覺良善但卻與一般民眾看法相左)
As the representative of a democratic society, in dealing with cross-strait issues, the ROC government will surely take protection of the nation’s sovereignty and promotion of our people’s prosperity as its highest guiding principles. At the same time, it is open to the public’s and the Legislature’s scrutiny. The two sides signed three Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) on Financial Supervisory Cooperation on Nov. 16, and a public opinion poll conducted by TVBS between Oct. 16 and Oct. 18 indicated that 60 percent of respondents believed that such MOUs would enhance the soundness of cross-strait financial interchange, while 53 percent believed that they would have a positive influence on Taiwan’s financial industry. This shows that the signing of the MOUs is supported by the public.
代表民主社會的一員,在兩岸關係事務上,台灣政府向來以捍衛主權,促進人民繁榮為最高指導原則(<--只是不知道是哪個國家的主權啦!哪個戶籍地的人民繁榮啦! 怎麼辦,太噁心我翻不下去了啦!). 在此同時,兩岸事務也對民眾公開,受到立法院備查. 兩岸所簽訂的備忘錄,在民調如TVBS在十月十六至十月十八日之間的調查顯示,百分之六十的受訪者對此表達支持,而且有百分之五十三民眾相信這將帶來正面影響. 這都顯示出簽訂備忘錄受到大眾支持. (<--只用TVBS的調查,阿其他反對的調查怎都不敢講啊?)
As for the cross-strait economic cooperation framework agreement currently under consideration, this government is quite willing to work for a nationwide consensus on this and other cross-strait policies through channels of dialogue and communication such as the Legislative Yuan and party-to-party discussion.
至於兩岸經濟合作架構限在正考慮中,政府願意努力達成共識,透過各種對話與溝通的管道,例如透過立法院與黨與黨協商. (按:這個指的是ECFA, 問題是,行政院長都不接受挑戰啊!只會派其他人,然後其他人又是脫口說出失業XXX,毫無基礎,這有啥屁用啊)
This government’s efforts to improve cross-strait relations have won the support of the majority of our people and created new vistas for Taiwan’s development. During his recent visit to mainland China, US President Barack Obama also expressed support for improvements in cross-strait relations. In addition, we have seen breakthrough developments with respect to our participation in the APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, our accession to the Government Procurement Agreement of the World Trade Organization and our participation as an observer at the World Health Assembly.
政府極力改善兩岸關係已經贏得多數民眾的支持,也替台灣創造新景象. (按: 這是在說笑話嗎? 明明前幾天天下雜誌的調查才顯示出相反的結果呢!)近期歐巴馬訪中,也曾指出欣見兩岸關係改善. 此外,我們也參與APEC的討論, 加入WTO,並成為WHA的觀察員(<--,別忘了,是自我矮化,在中國准許下才參與的,還鬧出什麼葉金川事件丟人現眼)
In September of this year, we also declared it imperative that Taiwan participate in activities of the UN International Civil Aviation Organization, and that talks be held under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. As such efforts are intimately related to the welfare of Taiwan’s people, our government will continue to pursue these as well as other initiatives to advance the well-being of our nation and people.
今年九月,我們表達讓台灣參與國際民航組織的重要性,如此可在聯合國架構下參加氣象高峰會. 這將密切關係到台灣民眾的福利,政府也將持續追求這些參與國際社會以促進民眾福利的努力.
Since his inauguration, President Ma has focused on promoting a “second wave” of democratic reform, in the hope that, within his term of office, we can significantly enhance the quality of our democracy — that we can make strides toward democratic excellence through which human rights are more firmly secured, the spirit of rule of law is more solidly embodied, judicial independence and fairness are more deeply rooted, and civil society flourishes with greater vitality. Such aims are shared throughout our society, and we hope that those who, like the signatories of the open letter, care about Taiwan will lend us their support. Let us work together to ensure that Taiwan always stands on the side of freedom, democracy and peace.
自從馬政府就任以來,馬總統已展開第二波民主改造(按: 第二波白色恐怖嗎?),希望在他的任期內,可以顯著提升民主品質,確保人權,維持司法獨立與公平,公民活動蓬勃發展. 這些目標都明確地傳達給社會,我們希望關心台灣的國際友人,例如這些署名學者可以繼續支持台灣.讓我們共同為台灣的自由民主與和平共同努力.(<--最後這段話又出現以前反共復國的文章結論了,好八股啊)
Su Jun-pin is the minister of the Government Information Office.
--------
延伸閱讀
第一封公開信 與 王清峰的回函
第二封公開信 與 王清峰的回函
第三封公開信 與 蘇俊賓的回函
第四封公開信 與 蘇俊賓的回函
Monday, December 14, 2009
總統府到底在澄清什麼? 火大! (final update: 8pm, 12/15, USA central time )
Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decade.(是否會如對岸預期的統一端看未來十年的發展. 現階段沒有人可以回答這個問題.Emphasis added)
府澄清馬指統一否 看數十年
【聯合晚報╱記者陳志平／即時報導】 2009.12.15 11:54 am
美國亞洲華爾街日報12月14日所刊出專訪馬英九總統報導，指馬總統表示兩岸能否如大陸所期待達成統一，視未來十年的情勢發展。總統府公共事務室代主任張國葆上午舉行記者會澄清，馬總統講的是「未來數十年（decades）」，非報載的「十年（decade）」，差一個S差很多。
-------------
好,我們就來看到底WSJ寫的是什麼:
"While the "three no's" have eased tensions significantly, Mr. Ma still grapples with the question of where the relationship is going long-term. "Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decade. This is a question no one can answer at this stage. But as the president of this country, I believe that the 23 million people of Taiwan want to secure one or two generations of peace and prosperity so that people on either side of the Taiwan Strait can have sufficient time and freedom to understand, to appreciate, and to decide what to do."
S在哪裡??? 就已經說是下個十年(next decade)了!! 這是在騙肖耶嗎? 真想罵髒話! 總統府既然出來澄清,希望看到他們發文去WSJ要求更正,不然就只是在愚民!
===updated on 12/15 USA central time===
今天(12/15)早上發現有新的新聞稿如下,
華爾街日報專訪內容 馬總統要求澄清
更新日期:2009/12/15 19:34
（中央社記者李淑華台北15日電）國民黨主席馬英九今天表示，美國亞洲華爾街日報專訪用錯decade（10年）與decades（數十年）。他已要求新聞局去函澄清與更正，同時將在元旦文告再次說明兩岸基本理念。
馬英九下午在中山會報再次針對接受美國亞洲華爾街日報專訪內容，提出澄清與說明。總統馬英九接受專訪時表示，「兩岸能否如大陸所期待達成統一，端視未來數十年（decades）情勢的發展」，並非報載所述的10年（decade）。"(後略)
咖啡館裡馬上有朋友提出這個"更正"要求. 在我還沒看到真正的,由WSJ發布更正啟示之前, 我想到之前陸委會宣稱被外電(華盛頓郵報)的一個"誤解",是關於統獨問題的,轉載如下:
Washington Times 務必更正
◎ 陳如媜
七月十六日的華盛頓時報（Washington Times）Ａ十三版「世界新聞」刊登一則訪問陸委會主委賴幸媛的新聞，其中一段話引起我的好奇，賴主委說出「台灣人民贊成政府傾中政策的民意達到前所未有的九十二％高比例」（Reaching an all-times public opinion high,92 percent of Taiwanese agree with the administration’s policy toward China, she said）。
剛好賴主委十七日上午在駐美代表處舉行華文媒體記者會，筆者特地請教賴主委這項民意數據從何而來？賴主委回答是該報記者寫錯了！賴主委說她受訪當時說的是「台灣人民贊成維持現狀的有將近九十二％的比例」，她並補充「事實上正確數字是九十一．八％」，華盛頓時報寫的完全和她說的相反。
筆者當場請她向華盛頓時報要求更正，賴主委不置可否。後來在電梯相遇，筆者又再度提出請求；賴主委表示沒關係、這不重要，不需要向該報要求更正。(後略)
所以, 在沒有真正的更正啟示之前,這些所謂澄清的動作不過更讓人覺得此地無銀三百兩?!
==final update==
12/15晚上我又看了一下,不錯,WSJ在原文最下面加了一小段更正啟示如下:
Corrections & Amplifications
In a Nov. 25 interview with The Wall Street Journal Asia, Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou said that, "Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decades." An earlier version of this article misquoted him as saying "decade."
這件事算是落幕了! 給兩邊都拍拍手一下! 還有,陸委會是不是該去函要求華盛頓郵報要求更正呢?
------
以下轉載英文原文:
Taiwan's Détente Gamble
Ma Ying-jeou's vision for making peace with China through trade, defense and democracy. DECEMBER 14, 2009, 6:58 A.M. ET
By Leslie Hook
Taipei
Taiwan knows better than most countries what it's like to lie in the shadow of a rising China. Just 100 miles off the mainland's coast—where 1,500 missiles stand aimed and ready to fire—the island is home to a vibrant democracy whose 23 million cast their ballots last March for a president promising détente with Beijing.
That man is Ma Ying-jeou, a Hong Kong-born, U.S.-educated lawyer belonging to the same Kuomintang that lost the civil war to Mao Zedong's army 60 years ago. Mr. Ma has taken a conciliatory approach to Beijing, playing down the differences (technically each side claims the other is part of its territory) and emphasizing their common culture, while trying to sell his constituents on the benefits of economic opening with China.
When I met him at the presidential office last month he had a crisp handshake and dark circles under his eyes—he had been jetting around on Air Force One to stump for KMT candidates in the Dec. 5 local elections. But he brightened when he talked about engaging Beijing. "To defend Taiwan, military means is one of the means we are going to use, and it may not be the most important means. We also depend very much on the soft power of Taiwan to engage the Chinese mainland."
For Mr. Ma, "soft power" has meant direct flights between Beijing and Taipei, direct postal links and cargo shipments, and making it easier for mainland tourists to come visit. Next week delegations from Beijing and Taipei will meet in Taichung, in central Taiwan, for a fourth round of official cross-Strait talks, and they are expected to sign agreements on double-taxation, certification standards, fishing crews, agricultural quarantines and the like. There's a lot to be proud of.
"I don't know whether you have taken a cross-Strait flight before? No?" he asks with a slight grin. "If you did then you would probably see how convenient it is compared to barely a year and a half ago [when travelers had to stop over in Hong Kong or Macau]. Also everybody feels relaxed, people even on the other side of the Strait. And we'll continue the current state of affairs, easing tension across the Taiwan Strait, and trying to forge a closer relationship in economic and other fields." He's not kidding about the relaxed atmosphere in Taipei—earlier I strolled into the presidential office without even a cursory bag inspection or ID check.
Mr. Ma has built his diplomacy around what he calls the "three no's"—no unification during his term in office, no pursuit of de jure independence, and no use of force to resolve differences across the Strait. This has been successful in large part because it contrasts with the policies of his predecessor Chen Shui-bian, who fought tooth and nail for Taiwan's acceptance as a regular member of the international community. Mr. Chen's relations with Beijing were full of spats, some petty, some not. At one point he rolled out postmarks promoting Taiwanese membership in the United Nations; Chinese post offices promptly returned any mail bearing those postmarks.
While the "three no's" have eased tensions significantly, Mr. Ma still grapples with the question of where the relationship is going long-term. "Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decade. This is a question no one can answer at this stage. But as the president of this country, I believe that the 23 million people of Taiwan want to secure one or two generations of peace and prosperity so that people on either side of the Taiwan Strait can have sufficient time and freedom to understand, to appreciate, and to decide what to do."
Which is where the U.S. comes in. Mr. Ma's critics charge him with jeopardizing Taiwan's democratic integrity and underestimating the lengths to which the mainland is willing to go to "reclaim" the island. But on one score at least he's clear-eyed on the threats facing Taiwan, particularly as China pumps money into a rapid military buildup. "The relaxed tensions [across the Strait] depend very much on the continued supply of arms from the United States to Taiwan," Mr. Ma explains. "Certainly Taiwan will not feel comfortable to go to a negotiating table without sufficient defense buildup in order to protect the safety of the island."
Under the terms of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, the United States is obligated to come to Taiwan's defense if the island is attacked—a scenario that used to dominate threat assessments of the region, but now seems unlikely. With President Obama in the White House, does Mr. Ma ever worry about the U.S. commitment to security in the Asia-Pacific region?
He is quick to dismiss any differences, saying that "we feel quite at ease" with Mr. Obama's November visit to the region. "I think his policies toward this part of the world have not deviated from those of the past President of the United States," he explains. "And he also told his [Chinese] host that he would continue to sell arms for the defense to Taiwan."
It will soon be clear whether Mr. Obama will deliver on that: Taiwan is waiting for the State Department to notify Congress about a pending arms package that includes Black Hawk helicopters, submarine designs and an upgrade to the Patriot missile defense system—items first announced under the Bush administration in 2001. Mr. Ma seems in no hurry: "They are already in the pipeline. A few years is not unreasonable."
The more urgent task, as far as Mr. Ma is concerned, is opening up Taiwan's economy to China so that the two sides can strengthen their trade ties—and Taiwanese voters can enjoy the economic benefits of the rapprochement. Mr. Ma's signature project is the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, an all-encompassing treaty that would cover tariff reductions, market access and economic cooperation in areas like intellectual-property enforcement.
The ECFA, as it is known, has proved a tough sell: The opposition Democratic Progressive Party says the deal will "steal" millions of Taiwanese jobs and flood Taiwan with cheap Chinese imports—arguments that resonate deeply in Taiwan's agricultural south. This is part of the reason the Democratic Progressive Party saw solid gains in the Dec. 5 local elections. Their arguments are bolstered by the fact that so far, despite the cross-Strait flights and the new, "relaxed" atmosphere, Taiwan's exports to China have actually fallen as a share of China's total imports this year as compared to last year. That's not necessarily Mr. Ma's fault—demand for Taiwan's exports plummeted during the global financial crisis—but the timing is not helpful politically.
Mr. Ma is not exactly a free-trader. He boasts that he has maintained all restrictions on agricultural imports and kept Chinese workers out of the country—two key voter concerns. But he understands Taiwan will suffer badly if it doesn't open up. "As the pace of regional economic integration continues to increase, we are afraid that Taiwan might be left in the cold and marginalized."
He's on a tight deadline, too. "In our case there is an urgency in the sense that when the Asean-mainland China [free trade agreement] comes into existence [in January] it will affect some of our exports to the mainland," because certain goods from the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian nations will enter China tariff-free. He cites petrochemicals, machinery, auto parts and some textiles as items of particular concern to Taiwan.
The ECFA is not only about trade with China; Mr. Ma hopes it will solidify trade ties with other countries as well. Taiwan wants to sign free-trade agreements with major economies like the U.S., Japan and Korea, he explains, but can't because "the mainland has always obstructed our efforts to make such an agreement."
Taiwan is also trying to figure out how to benefit from China's growing economy without getting stung by its political system, or flooded with RMB. Mr. Ma says it is important to open up to China in a "very cautious fashion." "We have already allowed mainland business to invest in Taiwan, but only in roughly 100 items or so."
In terms of opening the financial sector, he says the two sides have "by and large" agreed to let each other's banks come in, "but under different conditions." The ECFA will contain some provisions to "make sure the financial order in this country will not be disrupted as a result."
He is also confident Taiwan's institutions will prove resilient in the face of any untoward influence from Beijing. "We have more than 70,000 business firms investing on the Chinese mainland, employing millions of Chinese workers. They could have used that to, you know, interfere in our politics or whatever, and so far that's not that prominent. This is a very democratic and transparent society. Anything of that sort would certainly be reported and affect the cross-Strait relations."
Ultimately Mr. Ma thinks opening up will develop its own momentum—and repercussions for China. "We have already transformed Taiwan from a poor, agricultural, relatively not-so-free society into a modern economy, with model democracy. And that has tremendous impact on the Chinese mainland, when they are also struggling to have more economic freedom and possibly political freedom."
Chinese tourists who visit Taiwan are a central part of his vision. "Not everyone is so impressed with the scenery," he begins modestly. "But they are very impressed by the society. It's really a free society. It's a society [where] individuals respect each other's rights and privacy, and the right to freedom of speech, and all that. And they also admire some of our democratic institutions, although sometimes they may feel that it's a little bit chaotic."
He sees this as a historic opportunity: "I want to create a situation where the two sides could. . . see which system is better for the Chinese culture, for the Chinese people." It's a dream his counterparts in Beijing don't share: China's leaders are a long way from embracing Taiwan's democratic experiment, and they have proved quick to grasp the potential threat of democratic influence from Taiwan, placing specific restrictions on Chinese tourists who go there.
As with any country grappling with China's rise, the success of engagement will turn on how well Mr. Ma knows China. In Taiwan he is seen as being quite Chinese—he speaks Mandarin better than Taiwanese dialect, for example. But critics say he's too naive about the country he is dealing with. All of the various engagement efforts are, in essence, a bet that Beijing will turn out to be a reliable negotiating partner—a partner that can be trusted to, say, move its missiles away from the coast, or allow the full quota of mainland tourists to leave the country.
Mr. Ma is open to the idea that both sides have a lot to learn about each other. "The people on the Chinese mainland do not quite understand my policy," he muses as our interview goes into overtime, referring to his "three no's." "Sometimes they don't understand why we don't want unification. I said, well, it's quite obvious that conditions for unification are not ripe. And we don't even know each other that well."
Ms. Hook is an editorial writer for The Wall Street Journal Asia.
Thursday, December 3, 2009
轉載: 給台灣總統的(第五號)公開信(updated: more links added)
整個十月與十一月都非常忙碌,竟然就漏掉這麼重要的一篇報導. 現在補上. 大致意譯了一下.(老實說,我覺得我的翻譯整篇念起來怎麼怪怪的?)
這篇公開信的重點,依我看來在於對台灣過於親中而忽略其他國際社會的一些警告. 在齋藤辭職,部份人士樂於自貶為區域等的新聞後對照此公開信,更讓人擔憂.
-------
An open letter to Taiwan’s president
Friday, Nov 13, 2009, Page 8
Dear President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九),
During the past year, we, the undersigned — scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia — have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends and developments in Taiwan. On Nov. 6, 2008, and again on Dec. 2 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰), we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
在過去一年來，來自美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲等在內的國際學者，幾度公開向貴政府表達我們對台灣目前的一些發展和走向的顧慮及關心。2008年十一月六日及十二月二[原文見此]日，在致貴法務部長王清峰的信件中，我們特別指出有關台灣司法被傾蝕、制度瑕疵、以及對在野黨成員的司法追究之濫權的擔憂。[版主註:雖然這裡寫的是11/6/2008,但是在原來公開信上註明的日期其實是11/4. ]
On Jan. 21, 2009, and again on May 21, we addressed two open letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances.
We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我們也分別撰寫兩封公開信給您馬總統，明確表達我們對司法公正、新聞自由及民主制衡的關切。
很遺憾的,我們必須說,雖然新聞局長蘇俊賓撥冗回覆[版主註:詳見response to No. 3 and open response to No.4],但其給我們的回函並沒有針對問題核心回覆,而我們也未見到台灣政府拿出具體行動解決問題。
Since then, a number of developments have taken place — some positive and some negative — which prompted us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation.
從那時起的一些後續發展--含正面的與負面的,無一不促使我們再度撰函予您以表達我們對這些問題的看法. 我們必須再次強調,我們是一群支持台灣民主的國際學者,我們深切希望台灣日後可以成為一個自由與民主的國家.
We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind. Because of the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago.
我們也必須重申,我們並非支持特定(藍綠)陣營,但是我們關切台灣的國際形象與信譽. 因為台灣好不容易經過20年的努力才轉型成為一個民主國家. [註:美國務院的人權報告]
We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
我們肯定台灣民主這項成就,而民主也是台灣在與國際其他國家強化關係與抗衡外力干涉台灣內政時的最大的王牌.[註:民主才是王牌在當初馬政府拒發熱比婭簽證受到國際批評時,WSJ就有類似的文章了.又,國際試圖干涉台灣內政,如司法嗎?參考此文]
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
我們相信您也同意台灣的民主還未臻成熟(young democracy),台灣民主能夠繼續茁壯則有賴政府透明的制度對於民主,司法與人權的規範. 這也符合台灣今年簽署且經立法院核准的的兩項聯合國人權條款的內容和精神, 進一步依照國際法律協會的建議，將其制定為法律，並且在台灣實行。
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan.
台灣在過去20年有長足的進步.然而,令人失望的,(在過去一年中)我們看到司法被侵蝕[版主註:1,2,3],民主制衡體系被削弱[相關連結1,2,3],而且新聞自由倒退[版主註:相關連結1,2,3,4].
These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
這些趨勢反應在自由之家與無國界記者組織的年度評比(退步)之中(詳見上面相關連結).
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the former DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
這些趨勢也反映在國際學者與友人自扁案與其他前朝民進黨官員的司法案例中,這些案例突顯出司法體系的瑕疵,如缺乏中立的審判.再一次的,我們希望對您表達,也希望貴政府採取措施以確保司法的公正與公平性. [註:扁案判決的一些連結]
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with your large neighbor across the Taiwan Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public.
自由民主正義及人權基本原則建立在權責分明、公開透明的的政治制度上。就在台灣政府正把台灣帶向與中國更密切的經濟合作路上，雖然我們肯定降低台海的緊張關係，但要也強調兩岸關係的改善不應該以台灣得來不易的民主及人權為代價。
We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community.
我們樂見任何台灣政府與中國政府的協議均將顧及台灣內部的共識與國際社會的接受,包含將兩岸協商報請立法院同意.
We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago. Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties — economically and politically — to other countries.
我們相信與中國對話的過程將會是公開的，諮詢性的，並尊重台灣近二十年來所發展的民主基礎為前提而進行。我們也要強調,一個國家的成長與繁榮必需保持國際多元化,不管是經濟上的或是政治上的.
Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
過度的依賴一個鄰國將會把台灣帶入險境,特別是這個鄰國是個專制國家且公開藐視台灣的民主成就.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner.
This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its democratic achievements are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected, and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
馬總統，我們以國際學者的身份觀察台灣多年，支持並肯定台灣的民主成就，我們深信台灣有資格更加被國際社會接納為平等的一員。而達到此目標的唯一方式是台灣本身必須捍衛台灣的民主成果[註:這個蘇小賓另一個回應顯然也是讓國際學者不滿啊]，確保主權、人權,保障基本自由[版主註:新聞自由外,言論自由的連結參考此]，鞏固社會民主，台灣才有能力面對未來的挑戰。
Respectfully yours,
NAT BELLOCCHIFormer chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUWFormosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
GORDON CHANGAuthor, “The Coming Collapse of China”
EDWARD FRIEDMANProfessor of political science and East Asian studies, University of Wisconsin
PETER CHOWProfessor of economics, City College of New York STEPHANE CORCUFFAssociate professor of political science, China and Taiwan studies, University of Lyon
MICHAEL DANIELSEN Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER Professor of political science, University of MiamiJOHN TKACIKFormer senior research fellow at The Heritage Foundation and former officer at the Taiwan Coordination Desk, Department of State, Washington
TERRI GILESExecutive director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
MICHAEL RAND HOAREEmeritus reader at the University of London
CHRISTOPHER HUGHESProfessor of international relations, London School of Economics and Political Science
THOMAS HUGHES Former chief of staff to the late senator
Claiborne Pell, Washington
BRUCE JACOBS Professor of Asian languages and studies, Monash University
RICHARD KAGAN Professor emeritus of history, Hamline University
JEROME KEATING Associate professor, National Taipei University (retired).
David KilgourFormer member of parliament and secretary of state for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
ANDRE LALIBERTE Associate professor, School of Political Studies, University of OttawaDANIEL LYNCH Associate professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
LIU SHIH-CHUNG Visiting fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
VICTOR MAIR Professor of Chinese language and literature, University of Pennsylvania DONALD RODGERS Associate professor of political science, Austin College
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER Associate professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, chair of Austrian Associationof East Asian Studies
SCOTT SIMON Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
MICHAEL STAINTON York Center for Asia Research, TorontoPERRY LINK Professor emeritus ofEast Asian Studies,Princeton University
PETER TAGUE Professor of law,Georgetown University
ARTHUR WALDRON Lauder professor of international relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG Professor of political science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES Editor of “Taiwan Communique,” Washington
STEPHEN YATES President of DC Asia Advisory and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for nationalsecurity affairs.
這篇公開信的重點,依我看來在於對台灣過於親中而忽略其他國際社會的一些警告. 在齋藤辭職,部份人士樂於自貶為區域等的新聞後對照此公開信,更讓人擔憂.
-------
An open letter to Taiwan’s president
Friday, Nov 13, 2009, Page 8
Dear President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九),
During the past year, we, the undersigned — scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Asia, Europe and Australia — have publicly expressed to your government our concerns about a number of trends and developments in Taiwan. On Nov. 6, 2008, and again on Dec. 2 in letters to Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰), we focused on the issues of erosion of justice, significant flaws in the judicial system and judicial abuses against members of the democratic opposition.
在過去一年來，來自美國、加拿大、亞洲、歐洲、澳洲等在內的國際學者，幾度公開向貴政府表達我們對台灣目前的一些發展和走向的顧慮及關心。2008年十一月六日及十二月二[原文見此]日，在致貴法務部長王清峰的信件中，我們特別指出有關台灣司法被傾蝕、制度瑕疵、以及對在野黨成員的司法追究之濫權的擔憂。[版主註:雖然這裡寫的是11/6/2008,但是在原來公開信上註明的日期其實是11/4. ]
On Jan. 21, 2009, and again on May 21, we addressed two open letters to you, Mr. President, expressing concern about the fairness of the judicial system, as well as erosion of press freedom and democratic checks and balances.
We regret to say that the responses received from Government Information Office (GIO) Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) did not adequately address the issues raised, nor have we seen any substantive ameliorative steps taken to correct the problems.
今年一月二十一日和五月二十一日，我們也分別撰寫兩封公開信給您馬總統，明確表達我們對司法公正、新聞自由及民主制衡的關切。
很遺憾的,我們必須說,雖然新聞局長蘇俊賓撥冗回覆[版主註:詳見response to No. 3 and open response to No.4],但其給我們的回函並沒有針對問題核心回覆,而我們也未見到台灣政府拿出具體行動解決問題。
Since then, a number of developments have taken place — some positive and some negative — which prompted us to write to you again to express our views on these issues. We wish to reiterate that we raise these points as strong international supporters of Taiwan’s democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation.
從那時起的一些後續發展--含正面的與負面的,無一不促使我們再度撰函予您以表達我們對這些問題的看法. 我們必須再次強調,我們是一群支持台灣民主的國際學者,我們深切希望台灣日後可以成為一個自由與民主的國家.
We also emphasize that we do not take sides in internal political debates, but do have Taiwan’s international image and credibility as an international partner in mind. Because of the hard work and perseverance of the Taiwanese people, Taiwan was able to make the transition to democracy two decades ago.
我們也必須重申,我們並非支持特定(藍綠)陣營,但是我們關切台灣的國際形象與信譽. 因為台灣好不容易經過20年的努力才轉型成為一個民主國家. [註:美國務院的人權報告]
We applaud this achievement and strongly believe that this basic fact, democracy, is the strongest card Taiwan can play in building and strengthening its relations with other countries around the world and the strongest protection against outside interference in Taiwan’s internal affairs.
我們肯定台灣民主這項成就,而民主也是台灣在與國際其他國家強化關係與抗衡外力干涉台灣內政時的最大的王牌.[註:民主才是王牌在當初馬政府拒發熱比婭簽證受到國際批評時,WSJ就有類似的文章了.又,國際試圖干涉台灣內政,如司法嗎?參考此文]
We are sure that you would agree with us that Taiwan’s young democracy can only grow and prosper if it is nurtured through good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights. This would also adhere to both the letter and spirit of the two UN human rights covenants signed by you and ratified by the Legislative Yuan, and be enhanced by the implementation of these covenants into national law in accordance with the advice of the International Commission of Jurists.
我們相信您也同意台灣的民主還未臻成熟(young democracy),台灣民主能夠繼續茁壯則有賴政府透明的制度對於民主,司法與人權的規範. 這也符合台灣今年簽署且經立法院核准的的兩項聯合國人權條款的內容和精神, 進一步依照國際法律協會的建議，將其制定為法律，並且在台灣實行。
During the past two decades, Taiwan has made major progress in each of these areas. It thus has been a disappointment for us to see an erosion of justice, a weakening of checks and balances in the democratic system and a decline in press freedom in Taiwan.
台灣在過去20年有長足的進步.然而,令人失望的,(在過去一年中)我們看到司法被侵蝕[版主註:1,2,3],民主制衡體系被削弱[相關連結1,2,3],而且新聞自由倒退[版主註:相關連結1,2,3,4].
These trends are reflected in the significantly downward ratings Taiwan received in the annual reports of international organizations such as Freedom House and Reporters without Borders.
這些趨勢反應在自由之家與無國界記者組織的年度評比(退步)之中(詳見上面相關連結).
They are also reflected in the expressions of concern by international scholars and friends of Taiwan related to the flaws in the judicial proceedings against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and the apparent lack of neutrality in the continuing “investigations” and indictments of other prominent members of the former DPP government. We thus appeal to you again to ensure that measures are taken to ensure the impartiality and fairness of the judiciary.
這些趨勢也反映在國際學者與友人自扁案與其他前朝民進黨官員的司法案例中,這些案例突顯出司法體系的瑕疵,如缺乏中立的審判.再一次的,我們希望對您表達,也希望貴政府採取措施以確保司法的公正與公平性. [註:扁案判決的一些連結]
Good governance, accountability and transparency based on the fundamental principles of freedom, democracy, justice and human rights are all the more essential now that your government is moving Taiwan on a path of closer economic ties with China. We believe that a decrease of tension across the Taiwan Strait would indeed be welcome, but emphasize that this should not be done at the expense of the hard-won democracy and human rights in Taiwan itself.
Thus, the process of improving relations with your large neighbor across the Taiwan Strait needs to be an open, deliberative and democratic process, in full consultation with both the Legislative Yuan and the democratic opposition, and fully transparent to the general public.
自由民主正義及人權基本原則建立在權責分明、公開透明的的政治制度上。就在台灣政府正把台灣帶向與中國更密切的經濟合作路上，雖然我們肯定降低台海的緊張關係，但要也強調兩岸關係的改善不應該以台灣得來不易的民主及人權為代價。
We are thus pleased to hear that officials of your government have stated that any agreement with China would need to have both a domestic consensus, including approval by the Legislative Yuan, and acceptance by the international community.
我們樂見任何台灣政府與中國政府的協議均將顧及台灣內部的共識與國際社會的接受,包含將兩岸協商報請立法院同意.
We trust this process will be open and consultative in ways that respect the democratic traditions begun so promisingly two decades ago. Indeed, we emphasize that a country can only grow and prosper if it has diversified ties — economically and politically — to other countries.
我們相信與中國對話的過程將會是公開的，諮詢性的，並尊重台灣近二十年來所發展的民主基礎為前提而進行。我們也要強調,一個國家的成長與繁榮必需保持國際多元化,不管是經濟上的或是政治上的.
Too close an embrace with one neighbor will expose that country to the risks of volatility in the neighboring country, in particular if that neighbor remains authoritarian and openly disrespectful of Taiwan’s democratic achievements.
過度的依賴一個鄰國將會把台灣帶入險境,特別是這個鄰國是個專制國家且公開藐視台灣的民主成就.
Mr. President, we wish to emphasize again that, as international scholars and writers who have followed, supported and applauded Taiwan’s impressive transition to democracy, we feel strongly that Taiwan should be more fully accepted by the international community as a full and equal partner.
This can only be achieved if Taiwan ensures that its democratic achievements are safeguarded, that its sovereignty, human rights and fundamental freedoms are protected, and that the democratic fabric of society is strengthened so the country is ready to meet the challenges ahead.
馬總統，我們以國際學者的身份觀察台灣多年，支持並肯定台灣的民主成就，我們深信台灣有資格更加被國際社會接納為平等的一員。而達到此目標的唯一方式是台灣本身必須捍衛台灣的民主成果[註:這個蘇小賓另一個回應顯然也是讓國際學者不滿啊]，確保主權、人權,保障基本自由[版主註:新聞自由外,言論自由的連結參考此]，鞏固社會民主，台灣才有能力面對未來的挑戰。
Respectfully yours,
NAT BELLOCCHIFormer chairman, American Institute in Taiwan
COEN BLAAUWFormosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington
GORDON CHANGAuthor, “The Coming Collapse of China”
EDWARD FRIEDMANProfessor of political science and East Asian studies, University of Wisconsin
PETER CHOWProfessor of economics, City College of New York STEPHANE CORCUFFAssociate professor of political science, China and Taiwan studies, University of Lyon
MICHAEL DANIELSEN Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen
JUNE TEUFEL DREYER Professor of political science, University of MiamiJOHN TKACIKFormer senior research fellow at The Heritage Foundation and former officer at the Taiwan Coordination Desk, Department of State, Washington
TERRI GILESExecutive director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles
MICHAEL RAND HOAREEmeritus reader at the University of London
CHRISTOPHER HUGHESProfessor of international relations, London School of Economics and Political Science
THOMAS HUGHES Former chief of staff to the late senator
Claiborne Pell, Washington
BRUCE JACOBS Professor of Asian languages and studies, Monash University
RICHARD KAGAN Professor emeritus of history, Hamline University
JEROME KEATING Associate professor, National Taipei University (retired).
David KilgourFormer member of parliament and secretary of state for Asia-Pacific (2002-2003), Canada
ANDRE LALIBERTE Associate professor, School of Political Studies, University of OttawaDANIEL LYNCH Associate professor, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
LIU SHIH-CHUNG Visiting fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington
VICTOR MAIR Professor of Chinese language and literature, University of Pennsylvania DONALD RODGERS Associate professor of political science, Austin College
CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER Associate professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology, chair of Austrian Associationof East Asian Studies
SCOTT SIMON Associate professor, University of Ottawa, Canada
MICHAEL STAINTON York Center for Asia Research, TorontoPERRY LINK Professor emeritus ofEast Asian Studies,Princeton University
PETER TAGUE Professor of law,Georgetown University
ARTHUR WALDRON Lauder professor of international relations, University of Pennsylvania
VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG Professor of political science, University of Richmond
GERRIT VAN DER WEES Editor of “Taiwan Communique,” Washington
STEPHEN YATES President of DC Asia Advisory and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for nationalsecurity affairs.
Sunday, November 22, 2009
紐澳良行精簡版
好久沒更新,來個流水帳好了!
出發:
到了機場, 看著人來人往,沒想到竟然看到最不想見到的人之一,對,就是那個小氣老師. 說來我還真常跟他搭同班飛機啊! 後來E終於來了. (每次去參加研討會,我大部分都是和E搭同班機,一起分攤旅館與車資.) 我把這個不幸的消息告訴E,E說:沒關係,我已經約了另一個交換學生,他會和我們一起搭計程車,就可以和小氣老師說: 行李放不下. 呵,上次我們只是決定不和小氣老師吃飯, 現在是連一起搭車都不想了啊! 反正後來又陸續看到一些熟人,大抵就是系上老師.
抵達:
有很多歷史建築, 也吃了一些當地的食物. 不過呢,老實說碰到的服務生很多態度都不大好.
街道有點惡臭味,不知道是不是很多人喝醉酒嘔吐物的味道?
酒吧到了晚上很熱鬧, 街上人們也很瘋狂,露點換珠串. 但是, 著名的“Hurricane” 實在難喝, 有感冒藥水的味道.後來喝朋友的rum+可樂也有那感覺. 我想這應該表示我不喜歡萊姆酒的味道吧?!
最後還像觀光客一樣去搭Street Car. 搭了兩站等不到回程的車就散步回飯店.
遇到好幾位台灣來的老師,有的在美國發展,有的回台灣了. 雖然不是故知,他鄉相遇還是有份特別的親切
回航:
回程也是,又是一堆人搭同班飛機. 我突然想起以前上班時公司的某規定: 不能有超過7名員工搭乘同班飛機,因為怕萬一飛機出問題, 公司一下子損失太大. 這個規定, 老實說我本來不以為意, 但是親身經歷過新航SQ6 crash之後就深深體會到這個規定的重要性與前瞻性. 話說SQ 6失事隔天我收到兩通電話,都是公司人事部門(新加坡人事與台灣人事)打來確定在那班飛機上的兩個員工(含我)都平安無事. 相對的,摩托羅拉在那班飛機上就損失很多中高級組管,挺慘的. (啊!又扯遠了啦)
回程我又被昇等到頭等艙,所以有晚餐可用. 不過我卻豬頭的,生平第一次把檔案夾留在飛機上, 包含要請款用的收據. 結果就是回來隔天打一堆電話要收據的要收據,找lost and found的找lost and found. 搞得自己好累
----
完整版見此: [1][2]
出發:
到了機場, 看著人來人往,沒想到竟然看到最不想見到的人之一,對,就是那個小氣老師. 說來我還真常跟他搭同班飛機啊! 後來E終於來了. (每次去參加研討會,我大部分都是和E搭同班機,一起分攤旅館與車資.) 我把這個不幸的消息告訴E,E說:沒關係,我已經約了另一個交換學生,他會和我們一起搭計程車,就可以和小氣老師說: 行李放不下. 呵,上次我們只是決定不和小氣老師吃飯, 現在是連一起搭車都不想了啊! 反正後來又陸續看到一些熟人,大抵就是系上老師.
抵達:
有很多歷史建築, 也吃了一些當地的食物. 不過呢,老實說碰到的服務生很多態度都不大好.
街道有點惡臭味,不知道是不是很多人喝醉酒嘔吐物的味道?
酒吧到了晚上很熱鬧, 街上人們也很瘋狂,露點換珠串. 但是, 著名的“Hurricane” 實在難喝, 有感冒藥水的味道.後來喝朋友的rum+可樂也有那感覺. 我想這應該表示我不喜歡萊姆酒的味道吧?!
最後還像觀光客一樣去搭Street Car. 搭了兩站等不到回程的車就散步回飯店.
遇到好幾位台灣來的老師,有的在美國發展,有的回台灣了. 雖然不是故知,他鄉相遇還是有份特別的親切
回航:
回程也是,又是一堆人搭同班飛機. 我突然想起以前上班時公司的某規定: 不能有超過7名員工搭乘同班飛機,因為怕萬一飛機出問題, 公司一下子損失太大. 這個規定, 老實說我本來不以為意, 但是親身經歷過新航SQ6 crash之後就深深體會到這個規定的重要性與前瞻性. 話說SQ 6失事隔天我收到兩通電話,都是公司人事部門(新加坡人事與台灣人事)打來確定在那班飛機上的兩個員工(含我)都平安無事. 相對的,摩托羅拉在那班飛機上就損失很多中高級組管,挺慘的. (啊!又扯遠了啦)
回程我又被昇等到頭等艙,所以有晚餐可用. 不過我卻豬頭的,生平第一次把檔案夾留在飛機上, 包含要請款用的收據. 結果就是回來隔天打一堆電話要收據的要收據,找lost and found的找lost and found. 搞得自己好累
----
完整版見此: [1][2]
Tuesday, October 20, 2009
[轉載] Press Freedom Index 2009:Authoritarianism prevents press freedom progress in much of Asia(2009新聞自由指標:政府干預媒體顯見於亞洲各處)
The new ruling party in Taiwan tried to interfere in state and privately-owned media while violence by certain activists further undermined press freedom.).(新的執政黨-指國民黨-執政後試圖干預公營與其他由企業經營的媒體,此外,示威者攻擊記者也進一步戕害台灣的媒體自由)
這是無國界記者組織（ＲＳＦ）公布的二○○九年新聞自由指標,繼美國自由之家之後,RSF公佈的指標有同樣的結果:台灣媒體自由大副下降,主因是政治干預與示威者攻擊記者所致(The new ruling party in Taiwan tried to interfere in state and privately-owned media while violence by certain activists further undermined press freedom.).台灣從36退步到59名.
以下原文轉載:
Asia
Authoritarianism prevents press freedom progress in much of AsiaFiji falls furthest, but big advance by Maldives
---------------------------------------------------------
Political power grabs dealt press freedom a great disservice again this year. A military coup caused Fiji (152nd) to fall 73 places. Soldiers moved into Fijian news rooms for several weeks and censored articles before they were published, while foreign journalists were deported. In Thailand, the endless clashes between “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” had a very negative impact on the press’s ability to work. As a result, the kingdom is now 130th.
The authoritarianism of existing governments, for example in Sri Lanka (162nd) and Malaysia (131st), prevented journalists from properly covering sensitive subjects such as corruption or human rights abuses. The Sri Lankan government had a journalist sentenced to 20 years in prison and forced dozens of others to flee the country. In Malaysia, the interior ministry imposed censorship or self-censorship by threatening media with the withdrawal of their licence or threatening journalists with a spell in prison.
War and terrorism wrought havoc and exposed journalists to great danger. Afghanistan (149th) is sapped not only by Taliban violence and death threats, but also by unjustified arrests by the security forces. Despite having dynamic news media, Pakistan (159th) is crippled by murders of journalists and the aggressiveness of both the Taliban and sectors of the military. It shared (with Somalia) the world record for journalists killed during the period under review.
The Asian countries that least respected press freedom were, predictably, North Korea, one of the “infernal trio” at the bottom of the rankings, Burma, which still suffers from prior censorship and imprisonment, and Laos, an unchanging dictatorship where no privately-owned media are permitted.
The media in China (168th) are evolving rapidly along with the rest of the country but it continues to have a very poor ranking because of the frequency of imprisonment, especially in Tibet, Internet censorship and the nepotism of the central and provincial authorities. Similarly in Vietnam (166th), the ruling Communist Party targets journalists, bloggers and press freedom activists over what they write about its concessions to China.
In the good news section, Maldives (51st) climbed 53 places thanks to a successful democratic transition while Bhutan (70th) rose another four places thanks to further efforts in favour of media diversity.
Asia’s few democracies are well placed in the rankings. New Zealand (13th), Australia (16th) and Japan (17th) are all in the top 20. Respect for press freedom and the lack of targeted violence against journalists enable these three countries to be regional leaders.
South Korea (69th) and Taiwan (59th) fell far this year. South Korea plummeted 22 places because of the arrests of several journalists and bloggers and the conservative government’s attempts to control critical media. The new ruling party in Taiwan tried to interfere in state and privately-owned media while violence by certain activists further undermined press freedom.
Two Asian countries were included in the index for the first time: Papua New Guinea (56th), which obtained a very respectable ranking for a developing country, and the Sultanate of Brunei (155th), which came in the bottom third because of the absence of an independent press.
Saturday, October 17, 2009
轉載: Is Foreign Criticism Helpful? (國外的批評有幫助嗎?)
[版主按] 這篇在中時其實有完整中譯,我在下面的英文連結裡也有提供. 但是,台灣一些媒體過去有多次誤譯的現象(蓄意否不清),我寧可中英對照讓讀者自己去評斷. 又,致於特定媒體亂凹,之前稍微討論過,但不是本文重點,就不重複了,有興趣者見下面的延伸閱讀.
我批評的是內政部長禁止熱比婭訪台所提出的解釋. 台灣政府大可以援用前例(指達賴於去年底欲訪台一事),簡單表示"目前時機不宜". 不管你喜歡這個緣由,時機不宜的理由是誠實的,且尊重台灣與國外人士, 也不會傷害到任何人.
然而江宜樺的說詞,相反的把熱比婭與恐怖份子扯上關連. 至少在這個節骨眼,這個指控不實且不公平--他只是呼應了北京未經求證的說法,而不是其他許多民主國家的共識. (孔傑榮)
------
IS FOREIGN CRITICISM HELPFUL?
Oct 14th, 2009 By USAsialawNYU Category: Jerome A. Cohen's Blog
An edited version of this text appeared in Chinese in the China Times(Taiwan) on October 15, 2009 (繁体中文)(简体中文)，and in English, under the title “Viewed From Afar,” in the South China Morning Post (Hong Kong).
by Jerome A. Cohen
When told I had criticized the Taiwan government’s recent decision to bar Rebiya Kadeer from visiting the island, Taiwan’s new Prime Minister, Wu Den-Yih, remarked:”People who do not live in our land may not understand…and need not take any responsibility. We respect their comments but do not necessarily adopt all of them.” This polite “putdown” deserves our reflection.
當被告知我(孔傑榮)對台灣政府拒絕熱比婭訪台所做出的批評後,吳敦義院長表示: 不是生長在這塊土地上的人不會了解, 也不用負責任. 我們尊重那些評論但卻不需要逐一採納. 這個禮貌的拒絕值得探討.
Of course, a foreign observer rarely appreciates the interests of a country in the same way as the country’s leaders and citizens do. But should that preclude foreign criticism or exempt the target government from giving a well-reasoned explanation of its actions? The standing of the United States in world opinion — confirmed by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to President Barack Obama — has been immeasurably improved thanks to Obama’s reaction to the hail of foreign criticisms of his predecessor’s policies. George W. Bush’s administration had frequently condemned such criticisms as the irresponsible carping of outsiders who did not understand or support American interests.
當然,國外觀察者或評論家很少用關心自己國家的熱忱來關心自己以外的國家. 但這不該作為拒絕國外評論的理由.
Politicians and commentators frequently stoke nationalistic feelings in brushing off foreigners and sometimes dismiss foreign critics as sinister or condescending. China’s Foreign Ministry, in particular, often describes foreign criticism as “rude interference into China’s domestic affairs,” made with “ulterior motives”, that “hurts the Chinese people’s feelings.” But is such rhetoric really in the interest of its government and people?
政客或是評論家常操作民族主義來駁斥國外的評論...中國最常以"傷害中國人民感情"來駁斥西方的評論
Foreign critics are useful precisely because their distance gives them a different perspective. Also, although perhaps insufficiently informed, they are not burdened with the distractions of daily decision-making. Especially if they are “wrong”, it may be wiser to offer them what Chinese Communists call “persuasion-education” rather than opaque dismissal. Informative government responses to foreign critics also benefit domestic audiences.
但來自國外的評論通常最為一針見血. 因為旁觀者清,國外的評論往往提供一個不同的觀點. 另外,雖然沒有充分的資訊,國外的評論沒有政治包袱(not burdened with the distractions of daily decision-making). 因此,即使國外評論是"錯誤"的,國外的評論通常比中國共產黨的洗腦教育來得有智慧,而非只是一些難以理解的打發說詞. 政府根據充分的資訊具體回覆國外評論通常可以嘉惠國內大眾.
What I had actually criticized was not the Taiwan government’s decision to ban Ms.Kadeer’s visit but the explanation offered by Interior Minister Jiang Yi-Huah. He might have followed the precedent set by his government last December when temporarily declining a visit by another figure opposed by the Chinese Government, the Dalai Lama. It had simply noted that the timing of the visit was “inappropriate,” the unspoken but understood premise being that the visit would strain the sensitive new effort at cross-strait reconciliation. Whether or not one agreed with that decision, the explanation given was honest, respectful of audiences in both Taiwan and abroad, and not harmful to anyone.
我批評的是內政部長禁止熱比婭訪台所提出的解釋. 台灣政府大可以援用前例(指達賴於去年底欲訪台一事),簡單表示"目前時機不宜". 不管你喜歡這個緣由,時機不宜的理由是誠實的,且尊重台灣與國外人士, 也不會傷害到任何人.
Minister Jiang’s explanation, by contrast, linked Ms. Kadeer to terrorism. At least at this juncture, that accusation seems inaccurate and unfair. It echoed Beijing’s as yet unproven claims rather than the conclusions of many democratic governments — including that of her host, the United States. Worst of all, it appeared to defame a person who enjoys wide respect for her struggle against the Chinese Government’s oppression of her ethnic group.
然而江宜樺的說詞,相反的把熱比婭與恐怖份子扯上關連. 至少在這個節骨眼,這個指控不實且不公平--他只是呼應了北京未經求證的說法,而不是其他許多民主國家的共識
To be sure, every country imposes restrictions on entry. The United States itself maintains an overly broad barrier against Taiwan’s highest leaders, in order not to cast doubt on its recognition of the People’s Republic as China’s only legitimate government. Such barriers restrict domestic audiences’ democratic rights to interact with important speakers and must be frequently challenged.
每個國家都有發許入境許可的一些限制. 例如美國基於一個中國政策, 通常不許可台灣高層訪美
Another recent case of an unfortunate Taiwan reaction to foreign criticism occurred when William Stanton, the new head of the “unofficial” United States mission in Taipei, pointed out that many knowledgeable Americans had expressed concern about the fairness of former president Chen Shui-Bian’s criminal trial. This led some Taiwan legislators and media to label his remarks impermissible foreign interference in the administration of justice. Minister of Justice Wang Ching-Feng, however, rejected this charge. She is more aware than most of the importance to Taiwan of American perceptions of its legal system, since she is attempting to negotiate an agreement that would require the United States to extradite fugitives back to Taiwan. The United States, like any country that is contemplating extradition, has a valid interest in the quality of justice in the country that is requesting it and a right to express reasonable concerns.
台灣政府最近一個拒絕國外評論的反應是關於司徒文與王清峰會面時提及國外對扁案的一些關切. 台灣政府與媒體對此貼了干涉台灣司法的標籤. 而王清峰也拒絕了這些指控. 然而,王部長應該比台灣多數人還要了解美國的司法體系才是,畢竟她正在與美國政府協商與台灣合作引渡罪犯. 美國,如同其他國家,對於要求引渡合作的國家的司法系統有興趣並表達關切是正常的.
More generally, as President Ma Ying-Jeou emphasized last week, despite his efforts to improve relations with China, Taiwan cannot afford to neglect its military defense. That defense relies implicitly on the security guarantees of the U.S. Taiwan Relations Act. They in turn rest on the American people’s continuing belief that the island is worth defending, even at the cost of nuclear war. While Taiwan was once valued mainly for its strategic location, its thriving democracy and developing rule of law are now seen to deserve protection in and of themselves. Its leaders and people should keep this in mind.
---------
延伸閱讀:
孔傑榮vs. 台灣媒體
回應"對外電入返聯公投結果的報導" 與讀”有偏見的媒體不好嗎?”有感
白樂崎教英文, what does it mean by "We have every expectation that...."?
克魯曼說簽ECFA是好事, 真的嗎?
What I had actually criticized was not the Taiwan government’s decision to ban Ms.Kadeer’s visit but the explanation offered by Interior Minister Jiang Yi-Huah. ...............It had simply noted that the timing of the visit was “inappropriate,” the unspoken but understood premise being that the visit would strain the sensitive new effort at cross-strait reconciliation. Whether or not one agreed with that decision, the explanation given was honest, respectful of audiences in both Taiwan and abroad, and not harmful to anyone.(Cohen)
Minister Jiang’s explanation, by contrast, linked Ms. Kadeer to terrorism. At least at this juncture, that accusation seems inaccurate and unfair. It echoed Beijing’s as yet unproven claims rather than the conclusions of many democratic governments
我批評的是內政部長禁止熱比婭訪台所提出的解釋. 台灣政府大可以援用前例(指達賴於去年底欲訪台一事),簡單表示"目前時機不宜". 不管你喜歡這個緣由,時機不宜的理由是誠實的,且尊重台灣與國外人士, 也不會傷害到任何人.
然而江宜樺的說詞,相反的把熱比婭與恐怖份子扯上關連. 至少在這個節骨眼,這個指控不實且不公平--他只是呼應了北京未經求證的說法,而不是其他許多民主國家的共識. (孔傑榮)
------
IS FOREIGN CRITICISM HELPFUL?
Oct 14th, 2009 By USAsialawNYU Category: Jerome A. Cohen's Blog
An edited version of this text appeared in Chinese in the China Times(Taiwan) on October 15, 2009 (繁体中文)(简体中文)，and in English, under the title “Viewed From Afar,” in the South China Morning Post (Hong Kong).
by Jerome A. Cohen
When told I had criticized the Taiwan government’s recent decision to bar Rebiya Kadeer from visiting the island, Taiwan’s new Prime Minister, Wu Den-Yih, remarked:”People who do not live in our land may not understand…and need not take any responsibility. We respect their comments but do not necessarily adopt all of them.” This polite “putdown” deserves our reflection.
當被告知我(孔傑榮)對台灣政府拒絕熱比婭訪台所做出的批評後,吳敦義院長表示: 不是生長在這塊土地上的人不會了解, 也不用負責任. 我們尊重那些評論但卻不需要逐一採納. 這個禮貌的拒絕值得探討.
Of course, a foreign observer rarely appreciates the interests of a country in the same way as the country’s leaders and citizens do. But should that preclude foreign criticism or exempt the target government from giving a well-reasoned explanation of its actions? The standing of the United States in world opinion — confirmed by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to President Barack Obama — has been immeasurably improved thanks to Obama’s reaction to the hail of foreign criticisms of his predecessor’s policies. George W. Bush’s administration had frequently condemned such criticisms as the irresponsible carping of outsiders who did not understand or support American interests.
當然,國外觀察者或評論家很少用關心自己國家的熱忱來關心自己以外的國家. 但這不該作為拒絕國外評論的理由.
Politicians and commentators frequently stoke nationalistic feelings in brushing off foreigners and sometimes dismiss foreign critics as sinister or condescending. China’s Foreign Ministry, in particular, often describes foreign criticism as “rude interference into China’s domestic affairs,” made with “ulterior motives”, that “hurts the Chinese people’s feelings.” But is such rhetoric really in the interest of its government and people?
政客或是評論家常操作民族主義來駁斥國外的評論...中國最常以"傷害中國人民感情"來駁斥西方的評論
Foreign critics are useful precisely because their distance gives them a different perspective. Also, although perhaps insufficiently informed, they are not burdened with the distractions of daily decision-making. Especially if they are “wrong”, it may be wiser to offer them what Chinese Communists call “persuasion-education” rather than opaque dismissal. Informative government responses to foreign critics also benefit domestic audiences.
但來自國外的評論通常最為一針見血. 因為旁觀者清,國外的評論往往提供一個不同的觀點. 另外,雖然沒有充分的資訊,國外的評論沒有政治包袱(not burdened with the distractions of daily decision-making). 因此,即使國外評論是"錯誤"的,國外的評論通常比中國共產黨的洗腦教育來得有智慧,而非只是一些難以理解的打發說詞. 政府根據充分的資訊具體回覆國外評論通常可以嘉惠國內大眾.
What I had actually criticized was not the Taiwan government’s decision to ban Ms.Kadeer’s visit but the explanation offered by Interior Minister Jiang Yi-Huah. He might have followed the precedent set by his government last December when temporarily declining a visit by another figure opposed by the Chinese Government, the Dalai Lama. It had simply noted that the timing of the visit was “inappropriate,” the unspoken but understood premise being that the visit would strain the sensitive new effort at cross-strait reconciliation. Whether or not one agreed with that decision, the explanation given was honest, respectful of audiences in both Taiwan and abroad, and not harmful to anyone.
我批評的是內政部長禁止熱比婭訪台所提出的解釋. 台灣政府大可以援用前例(指達賴於去年底欲訪台一事),簡單表示"目前時機不宜". 不管你喜歡這個緣由,時機不宜的理由是誠實的,且尊重台灣與國外人士, 也不會傷害到任何人.
Minister Jiang’s explanation, by contrast, linked Ms. Kadeer to terrorism. At least at this juncture, that accusation seems inaccurate and unfair. It echoed Beijing’s as yet unproven claims rather than the conclusions of many democratic governments — including that of her host, the United States. Worst of all, it appeared to defame a person who enjoys wide respect for her struggle against the Chinese Government’s oppression of her ethnic group.
然而江宜樺的說詞,相反的把熱比婭與恐怖份子扯上關連. 至少在這個節骨眼,這個指控不實且不公平--他只是呼應了北京未經求證的說法,而不是其他許多民主國家的共識
To be sure, every country imposes restrictions on entry. The United States itself maintains an overly broad barrier against Taiwan’s highest leaders, in order not to cast doubt on its recognition of the People’s Republic as China’s only legitimate government. Such barriers restrict domestic audiences’ democratic rights to interact with important speakers and must be frequently challenged.
每個國家都有發許入境許可的一些限制. 例如美國基於一個中國政策, 通常不許可台灣高層訪美
Another recent case of an unfortunate Taiwan reaction to foreign criticism occurred when William Stanton, the new head of the “unofficial” United States mission in Taipei, pointed out that many knowledgeable Americans had expressed concern about the fairness of former president Chen Shui-Bian’s criminal trial. This led some Taiwan legislators and media to label his remarks impermissible foreign interference in the administration of justice. Minister of Justice Wang Ching-Feng, however, rejected this charge. She is more aware than most of the importance to Taiwan of American perceptions of its legal system, since she is attempting to negotiate an agreement that would require the United States to extradite fugitives back to Taiwan. The United States, like any country that is contemplating extradition, has a valid interest in the quality of justice in the country that is requesting it and a right to express reasonable concerns.
台灣政府最近一個拒絕國外評論的反應是關於司徒文與王清峰會面時提及國外對扁案的一些關切. 台灣政府與媒體對此貼了干涉台灣司法的標籤. 而王清峰也拒絕了這些指控. 然而,王部長應該比台灣多數人還要了解美國的司法體系才是,畢竟她正在與美國政府協商與台灣合作引渡罪犯. 美國,如同其他國家,對於要求引渡合作的國家的司法系統有興趣並表達關切是正常的.
More generally, as President Ma Ying-Jeou emphasized last week, despite his efforts to improve relations with China, Taiwan cannot afford to neglect its military defense. That defense relies implicitly on the security guarantees of the U.S. Taiwan Relations Act. They in turn rest on the American people’s continuing belief that the island is worth defending, even at the cost of nuclear war. While Taiwan was once valued mainly for its strategic location, its thriving democracy and developing rule of law are now seen to deserve protection in and of themselves. Its leaders and people should keep this in mind.
---------
延伸閱讀:
孔傑榮vs. 台灣媒體
回應"對外電入返聯公投結果的報導" 與讀”有偏見的媒體不好嗎?”有感
白樂崎教英文, what does it mean by "We have every expectation that...."?
克魯曼說簽ECFA是好事, 真的嗎?
Thursday, October 8, 2009
[轉載] Taiwan and China (台灣與中國)
紐約時報的報導(New York Times).
[摘要] 台灣政府昧於台灣實質獨立的事實(de facto independent state)緩步往一國兩制邁進,將自己地區化如同當今之香港(seems to be morphing very slowly toward the “one country, two systems” status of Hong Kong.). 一個最近的例子顯示台灣政府以犧牲自由的代價來諂媚中國--拒絕熱比婭訪台來討好北京當局,還宣稱這是為了國家利益(The most striking evidence of a desire to please Beijing — at the expense of the liberal values which have gained Taiwan much praise in recent years — was the denial of entry to the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer.)
報導另一段則談到扁案的一審判決. 一個慣於貪污的政黨卻利用貪污罪名判處無期徒刑顯然太過極端, 加上利用對抗貪污之名行剷除政治異己之時來對付一些阿扁時期的政務官,顯然這也是主張統一者(指國民黨)在對北京政府做交代,因為阿扁是台獨支持者.(But given the pervasiveness of money politics and the past reputation of the Nationalists for corruption, the life sentence for Chen is extreme. Now, in the name of fighting corruption, there is talk of a witch-hunt against other members of the Chen administration. To some this smacks of an attempt by pro-unification elements to please Beijing by demonizing Chen, who supported independence and who suffered much in the cause of breaking the KMT’s authoritarian hold on power.)
台灣政府還喜歡擴大台灣對中國的經濟依賴.即使這些依賴有其他替代性--只要中國的成本上升,這些廠商就可以也會移轉到第三地去生產.(Dependence on China is often overstated. While 40 percent of Taiwan’s exports go there, more than half are components for globally traded items like laptops and cellphones made by Taiwanese companies and then re-exported from China. The dependence is self-imposed for profit reasons, which may be shifting as mainland costs rise. There are alternatives)
然而,這些作為不但對於台美關係毫無幫助,而且美國還是台灣最大的支持其實來自於美國(None of this is likely to help Taiwan’s relations with its main supporter, the United States.), 這些做法還將使台灣失去美日的支持(The trend could mean an erosion in the support Taiwan gets, albeit erratically, from the United States and Japan),而且有違台灣本是獨立之事實.
事實是,馬政府忘記台灣(是一個實質獨立國家)的國家利益,而這個自主是熱比婭為其族人所爭取, 但卻是台灣當今,甚至香港所享有的(government of President Ma Ying-jeou may have forgotten that Taiwan’s national interest as an independent state.......The degree of autonomy that Rebiya Kadeer has been seeking for Uighurs is a fraction of that enjoyed by Taiwan or even Hong Kong.)
以下原文轉載:
--------
Taiwan and China
By PHILIP BOWRING
Published: October 6, 2009
HONG KONG — Taiwan’s position as a de facto independent state seems to be morphing very slowly toward the “one country, two systems” status of Hong Kong. The process is not irreversible but the sentiments of those of mainland origin in the governing Nationalist Party, along with the self-interest of business groups and a widespread sense of economic vulnerability are all pushing the island toward accommodation with Beijing.
The trend could mean an erosion in the support Taiwan gets, albeit erratically, from the United States and Japan.
The most striking evidence of a desire to please Beijing — at the expense of the liberal values which have gained Taiwan much praise in recent years — was the denial of entry to the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer. This was done in the name of “national interest,” apparently linked to the finalization, expected soon, of a memorandum of understanding on cross-strait financial links.
For sure, the memorandum would be a major advance, enabling banks in particular to escape the confines of Taiwan, with its low growth and surplus savings, for the fast-growing mainland. And it would bring more mainland capital to local stocks and property. But the government of President Ma Ying-jeou may have forgotten that Taiwan’s national interest as an independent state, albeit one that may one day merge with the mainland, sometimes requires sacrifices. The degree of autonomy that Rebiya Kadeer has been seeking for Uighurs is a fraction of that enjoyed by Taiwan or even Hong Kong.
There is real benefit in increasing cross-straits financial links. Banks have much to gain by being able to service clients in Taiwan with business on the mainland. Cross-straits links may attract service industries to Taiwan that would otherwise go to Hong Kong. Mainland tourism is also an unqualified plus.
But Taiwan seems to be talking itself into believing that it is even more dependent on the mainland than need be the case. The island would be a more attractive place for foreign business if it removed the many restrictions that exist to protect local businesses, or stem simply from bureaucracy and outdated rules. Tax issues also tend to keep business offshore while not preventing a huge outflow of capital. The Ma government has made progress on these issues, but they get scant attention compared to cross-straits ones.
It is easy to blame a lackluster economy on being unable to take full advantage of the mainland. But in reality, Taiwan is a mature economy with minimal growth in its work force. Like Japan, its problems lie with an inefficient domestic services sector, not with an inventive export-manufacturing one.
Dependence on China is often overstated. While 40 percent of Taiwan’s exports go there, more than half are components for globally traded items like laptops and cellphones made by Taiwanese companies and then re-exported from China. The dependence is self-imposed for profit reasons, which may be shifting as mainland costs rise. There are alternatives.
Worrying too for friends of Taiwan’s liberal democracy is the vengeance being meted out to the opposition by powerful supporters of the governing Nationalist Party, or KMT. Former president Chen Shui-bian was found guilty of corruption and his conduct has left the opposition Democratic Progressive Party demoralized and frustrated. But given the pervasiveness of money politics and the past reputation of the Nationalists for corruption, the life sentence for Chen is extreme. Now, in the name of fighting corruption, there is talk of a witch-hunt against other members of the Chen administration. To some this smacks of an attempt by pro-unification elements to please Beijing by demonizing Chen, who supported independence and who suffered much in the cause of breaking the KMT’s authoritarian hold on power.
None of this is likely to help Taiwan’s relations with its main supporter, the United States. Chen upset a natural ally in George W. Bush by needlessly provoking Beijing in an attempt to score political points at home. Now the KMT seems to have gone to the other extreme. Taiwan has long disappointed Washington with unwillingness to spend money on arms. Now it may sense a lack of willingness to pay an economic price for the principles of independence and liberalism it claims to stand for. President Ma remains well-regarded abroad, but his grip on the KMT is uncertain. Taiwan lacks a strategic view of itself and how to balance relations with the Chinese mainland, the United States and the global economy with liberal democracy and de facto independence.
[摘要] 台灣政府昧於台灣實質獨立的事實(de facto independent state)緩步往一國兩制邁進,將自己地區化如同當今之香港(seems to be morphing very slowly toward the “one country, two systems” status of Hong Kong.). 一個最近的例子顯示台灣政府以犧牲自由的代價來諂媚中國--拒絕熱比婭訪台來討好北京當局,還宣稱這是為了國家利益(The most striking evidence of a desire to please Beijing — at the expense of the liberal values which have gained Taiwan much praise in recent years — was the denial of entry to the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer.)
報導另一段則談到扁案的一審判決. 一個慣於貪污的政黨卻利用貪污罪名判處無期徒刑顯然太過極端, 加上利用對抗貪污之名行剷除政治異己之時來對付一些阿扁時期的政務官,顯然這也是主張統一者(指國民黨)在對北京政府做交代,因為阿扁是台獨支持者.(But given the pervasiveness of money politics and the past reputation of the Nationalists for corruption, the life sentence for Chen is extreme. Now, in the name of fighting corruption, there is talk of a witch-hunt against other members of the Chen administration. To some this smacks of an attempt by pro-unification elements to please Beijing by demonizing Chen, who supported independence and who suffered much in the cause of breaking the KMT’s authoritarian hold on power.)
台灣政府還喜歡擴大台灣對中國的經濟依賴.即使這些依賴有其他替代性--只要中國的成本上升,這些廠商就可以也會移轉到第三地去生產.(Dependence on China is often overstated. While 40 percent of Taiwan’s exports go there, more than half are components for globally traded items like laptops and cellphones made by Taiwanese companies and then re-exported from China. The dependence is self-imposed for profit reasons, which may be shifting as mainland costs rise. There are alternatives)
然而,這些作為不但對於台美關係毫無幫助,而且美國還是台灣最大的支持其實來自於美國(None of this is likely to help Taiwan’s relations with its main supporter, the United States.), 這些做法還將使台灣失去美日的支持(The trend could mean an erosion in the support Taiwan gets, albeit erratically, from the United States and Japan),而且有違台灣本是獨立之事實.
事實是,馬政府忘記台灣(是一個實質獨立國家)的國家利益,而這個自主是熱比婭為其族人所爭取, 但卻是台灣當今,甚至香港所享有的(government of President Ma Ying-jeou may have forgotten that Taiwan’s national interest as an independent state.......The degree of autonomy that Rebiya Kadeer has been seeking for Uighurs is a fraction of that enjoyed by Taiwan or even Hong Kong.)
以下原文轉載:
--------
Taiwan and China
By PHILIP BOWRING
Published: October 6, 2009
HONG KONG — Taiwan’s position as a de facto independent state seems to be morphing very slowly toward the “one country, two systems” status of Hong Kong. The process is not irreversible but the sentiments of those of mainland origin in the governing Nationalist Party, along with the self-interest of business groups and a widespread sense of economic vulnerability are all pushing the island toward accommodation with Beijing.
The trend could mean an erosion in the support Taiwan gets, albeit erratically, from the United States and Japan.
The most striking evidence of a desire to please Beijing — at the expense of the liberal values which have gained Taiwan much praise in recent years — was the denial of entry to the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer. This was done in the name of “national interest,” apparently linked to the finalization, expected soon, of a memorandum of understanding on cross-strait financial links.
For sure, the memorandum would be a major advance, enabling banks in particular to escape the confines of Taiwan, with its low growth and surplus savings, for the fast-growing mainland. And it would bring more mainland capital to local stocks and property. But the government of President Ma Ying-jeou may have forgotten that Taiwan’s national interest as an independent state, albeit one that may one day merge with the mainland, sometimes requires sacrifices. The degree of autonomy that Rebiya Kadeer has been seeking for Uighurs is a fraction of that enjoyed by Taiwan or even Hong Kong.
There is real benefit in increasing cross-straits financial links. Banks have much to gain by being able to service clients in Taiwan with business on the mainland. Cross-straits links may attract service industries to Taiwan that would otherwise go to Hong Kong. Mainland tourism is also an unqualified plus.
But Taiwan seems to be talking itself into believing that it is even more dependent on the mainland than need be the case. The island would be a more attractive place for foreign business if it removed the many restrictions that exist to protect local businesses, or stem simply from bureaucracy and outdated rules. Tax issues also tend to keep business offshore while not preventing a huge outflow of capital. The Ma government has made progress on these issues, but they get scant attention compared to cross-straits ones.
It is easy to blame a lackluster economy on being unable to take full advantage of the mainland. But in reality, Taiwan is a mature economy with minimal growth in its work force. Like Japan, its problems lie with an inefficient domestic services sector, not with an inventive export-manufacturing one.
Dependence on China is often overstated. While 40 percent of Taiwan’s exports go there, more than half are components for globally traded items like laptops and cellphones made by Taiwanese companies and then re-exported from China. The dependence is self-imposed for profit reasons, which may be shifting as mainland costs rise. There are alternatives.
Worrying too for friends of Taiwan’s liberal democracy is the vengeance being meted out to the opposition by powerful supporters of the governing Nationalist Party, or KMT. Former president Chen Shui-bian was found guilty of corruption and his conduct has left the opposition Democratic Progressive Party demoralized and frustrated. But given the pervasiveness of money politics and the past reputation of the Nationalists for corruption, the life sentence for Chen is extreme. Now, in the name of fighting corruption, there is talk of a witch-hunt against other members of the Chen administration. To some this smacks of an attempt by pro-unification elements to please Beijing by demonizing Chen, who supported independence and who suffered much in the cause of breaking the KMT’s authoritarian hold on power.
None of this is likely to help Taiwan’s relations with its main supporter, the United States. Chen upset a natural ally in George W. Bush by needlessly provoking Beijing in an attempt to score political points at home. Now the KMT seems to have gone to the other extreme. Taiwan has long disappointed Washington with unwillingness to spend money on arms. Now it may sense a lack of willingness to pay an economic price for the principles of independence and liberalism it claims to stand for. President Ma remains well-regarded abroad, but his grip on the KMT is uncertain. Taiwan lacks a strategic view of itself and how to balance relations with the Chinese mainland, the United States and the global economy with liberal democracy and de facto independence.
轉載:(蘇俊賓: 台灣政府捍衛民主)Taiwan Is Safeguarding its Democracy (台灣政府回覆WSJ的報導)
之前我轉載(並翻譯)WSJ針對台灣政府拒絕熱比婭訪台的報導,該文提到台灣的拒絕有愧身為民主國家.
以下是新聞局代表台灣政府回覆給WSJ的文章.
同意與否就看各位囉...
原文如下
---------
LETTERS OCTOBER 6, 2009, 4:53 P.M. ET.
Taiwan Is Safeguarding its Democracy
On behalf of the government of the Republic of China (Taiwan), I would like to comment on a number of mistaken notions contained in the editorial "Rebiya Kadeer and Taipei" (Review & Outlook, Sept. 29).
First, the decision of not allowing Ms. Kadeer to visit Taiwan has been made in accordance with Article 18 of Chapter 4 of the Immigration Act, "Entry of Aliens and Exit of Aliens." This article stipulates that the National Immigration Agency shall prohibit an alien from entering the ROC if he/she is believed to endanger national interests or public security. This does not mean, however, that the ROC government disrespects freedom of expression. Indeed, the documentary about Ms. Kadeer's life has been shown at many venues in Taiwan.
Further, the editorial states that President Ma Ying-jeou was elected to improve Taiwan's economy through closer links with mainland China, but "is misinterpreting that mandate to include closer ties with [mainland] China's authoritarian politics, too." This is a gross misconception.
The Ma administration, it must be stressed, has turned a new page in relations across the Taiwan Strait. Since taking office in May 2008, cross-Strait tensions have eased, and the prospects for lasting peace in the Asia-Pacific region are improving, a trend affirmed by governments around the world. Our cross-Strait policy is premised on safeguarding our sovereignty and putting Taiwan first for the benefit of its people. That means insisting on freedom and democracy in Taiwan while promoting cross-Strait peace and prosperity.
We believe this is the right course to take and that observers who look closely at Taiwan will concur.
Su Jun-pin
Minister
Government Information Office
Republic of China (Taiwan)
以下是新聞局代表台灣政府回覆給WSJ的文章.
同意與否就看各位囉...
原文如下
---------
LETTERS OCTOBER 6, 2009, 4:53 P.M. ET.
Taiwan Is Safeguarding its Democracy
On behalf of the government of the Republic of China (Taiwan), I would like to comment on a number of mistaken notions contained in the editorial "Rebiya Kadeer and Taipei" (Review & Outlook, Sept. 29).
First, the decision of not allowing Ms. Kadeer to visit Taiwan has been made in accordance with Article 18 of Chapter 4 of the Immigration Act, "Entry of Aliens and Exit of Aliens." This article stipulates that the National Immigration Agency shall prohibit an alien from entering the ROC if he/she is believed to endanger national interests or public security. This does not mean, however, that the ROC government disrespects freedom of expression. Indeed, the documentary about Ms. Kadeer's life has been shown at many venues in Taiwan.
Further, the editorial states that President Ma Ying-jeou was elected to improve Taiwan's economy through closer links with mainland China, but "is misinterpreting that mandate to include closer ties with [mainland] China's authoritarian politics, too." This is a gross misconception.
The Ma administration, it must be stressed, has turned a new page in relations across the Taiwan Strait. Since taking office in May 2008, cross-Strait tensions have eased, and the prospects for lasting peace in the Asia-Pacific region are improving, a trend affirmed by governments around the world. Our cross-Strait policy is premised on safeguarding our sovereignty and putting Taiwan first for the benefit of its people. That means insisting on freedom and democracy in Taiwan while promoting cross-Strait peace and prosperity.
We believe this is the right course to take and that observers who look closely at Taiwan will concur.
Su Jun-pin
Minister
Government Information Office
Republic of China (Taiwan)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)